HISTORY OF THE GREAT CIVIL WAR VOL. III. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE TO MR. GARDINER'S ' HIS TOR Y OF ENGLAND. ' HISTORY of ENGLAND, from the ACCESSION of JAMES I. to the DISGRACE of CHIEF-JUSTICE COKE. 1603-1616. 2 vols. 8vo. 1863. PRINCE CHARLES and the SPANISH MARRIAGE. 1617-1623. 2 vols. 8vo. 1869. HISTORY of ENGLAND under the DUKE of BUCKINGHAM and CHARLES I. 1624-1628. 2 vols. 8vo. 1875. The PERSONAL GOVERNMENT of CHARLES I. from the DEATH of BUCKINGHAM to the DECLARA- TION of the JUDGES in FAVOUR of SHIP-MONEY. 1628-1637. 2 vols. 8vo. 1877. The FALL of the MONARCHY of CHARLES I. 1637-1642. 2 vols. 8vo. 1881. The above Volumes were revised and re-issued in a cheaper form, under the title of ' A History of England, from the Accession of James I. to the Outbreak of the Civil War, 1603-1642.' 10 vols. Crown 8vo. _ 1883-4. HISTORY of the GREAT CIVIL WAR. 1642-1649. (3 vols.) VOL. I. 1642-1644. 8vo. 1886. VOL. II. 1644-1647. 8vo. 1889. VOL. III. 1647-1649. 8vo. 1891. These volumes are in course of re-issue, in 4 vols. crown 8vo. uniform with the ' History of England, 1603-1642.' 1893. HISTORY OF THE GREAT CIVIL WAR 1642-1649 BY SAMUEL R. GARDINER, M.A. HON. LL.D. EDINBURGH ; PH.D. GOTTINGEN FELLOW OF MERTON COLLEGE ; HONORARY STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH FELLOW OF KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON IN FOUR VOLUMES VOLUME III. 1645-1647 NEW EDITION LONDON LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. AND NEW YORK : 15 EAST 16* STREET 1893 All rights reserved CONTENTS OF THE THIRD VOLUME. CHAPTER XXXVIII. A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. 1645 Charles plays with both parties . September 23. Leven's army invited south . Holland proposes that the King shall go to the Scots October 17. Terms of- fered to the King by the Scottish commissioners Mission of Sir R. Moray to the Queen . October 22. Digby's cor- respondence read at Westminster Strong position of the In- dependents . August 4. Claims of the Assembly of Divines October 20. Excommuni- cation to be placed un- der the control of a Par- liamentary committee . Religion of the London citizens . October 6. Henry Burton locked out of his church October 13. The Dissent- ing Brethren refuse to produce a scheme cf church government November 6. Revival of the Accommodation Or- der . . . . November 17. The Dis- senting Brethren declare for full liberty of con- science . November 19. Counter- petitions of the London citizens November 24. Peace-pro- positions to be prepared A secret negotiation be- tween the King and the Independents Result of Sir R. Moray's Mission March 5. Rinuccini's Mission to Ireland Rinuccini in Paris June. Mission of Sir Kenelm Digby to Rome November. The Queen hopes for aid from France A plot to deliver up the King December 5. Charles offers to negotiate at Westminster December 7. The Prince ordered to leave England CONTENTS OF PAGE Charles's new plan of cam- paign . . . 18 Charles attempts to outwit the Houses . . 19 December 6. Sir R. Moray returns to Eng- land . . . 19 October 21-22. Execu- tions in Glasgow . 20 December 13. Charles in- vited to the Scottish camp . 21 December 17. Hereford surprised . 21 December 26. Charles re- peats his offer to come to Westminster . . 22 1646 January 2. Montreuil at Oxford . . .22 January 5. Charles pro- poses to tolerate Presby- terianism . 24 PAGE January 13. The reply of the Houses sent to the King . . -25 January 10. The King's formal overture to the Scots . 25 1645 November 26. Meeting of the Scottish Parlia- ment at St. Andrews . 26 1646 January 20-22. Execution of Montrose's followers . 26 January 15. Charles's of- fers on religion . . 27 January 18. He explains away his offer . . 27 January 15. Montreuil re- monstrates with Charles 27 January 15. The City pe- tition against toleration . 28 January 16. The con- sideration of the King's proposal interrupted . 29 CHAPTER XXXIX. GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINI IN IRELAND. 1645 August. Glamorgan lands in Ireland . . 30 June 9. The Assembly at Kilkenny agrees to refuse to abandon the Churches in the hands of the Irish 30 June 19. Resumption of negotiations between Ormond and the Con- federates . 30 Progress of the war in Ire- land . . 31 August ii. Glamorgan at Kilkenny . 32 August 25. Signature of the Glamorgan treaty . 33 July 31. Charles offers to allow the Catholics to build chapels . . 34 August 25. Glamorgan's defeasance . 35 Scarampi distrusts Gla- morgan . . 36 August 29. The Supreme Council offers to join Ormond . 37 September 9. Glamorgan is offered an army for service in England . 37 November 20. Agree- ment between Glamor- gan and the Supreme Council . 37 November 12. Rinuccini at Kilkenny . . 38 Rinuccini and the Supreme Council . 39 December 20. Glamor- gan signs a second treaty . 40 December 27. Glamor- gan arrested . -41 1646 January 16. The Glamor- gan treaty known at Westminster . . 42 Reports from France . 43 The Channel Islands to be pledged to France . . 44 The negotiation between Charles and the Scots revealed. . . 45 January 29. Charles dis- avows Glamorgan . . 45 Charles explains his con- duct . . .46 Worcester quotes Gower against Charles . . 47 February 3. Charles as- THE THIRD VOLUME. sures Glamorgan of his favour . . .48 January 21. Glamorgan liberated . 49 Rinuccini receives the arti- cles agreed on by the Pope and Sir Kenelm Digby . . -49 February 7. He urges these articles on the General Assembly . . 51 February 8. Glamorgan urges Ormond to accept Rinuccini's proposals . 51 February 16. Compact between Glamorgan and the Supreme Council . 52 February 18. A third Glamorgan treaty . 5 March 8. The surrender of Chester known in Ire- land . 53 The seizure of Bunratty . 54 March 4. Rinuccini's view of Charles's charac- ter . . . . 54 March 28. the treaty with Ormond signed . An Irish army to be sent to England . 56 April 3. The expedition countermanded . . 57 CHAPTER XL. THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. 1 645 November. Fairfax before Exeter . . 58 1646 January 9. A surprise at Bovey Tracey . . 59 January 15. Hopton ap- pointed to command the Royalists in the West . 60 January 18. Fairfax storms Dartmouth . . 60 January 26. Powderham Castle surrenders . . 62 The Queen's projects known . . .62 A French invasion pro- posed . 63 February i. Charles talks of marching into Kent . 64 February 10. Fairfax ad- vances to meet Hopton . 64 February 16. Hopton's defeat at Torrington . 65 February 25. Fairfax en- ters Launceston . 66 March 2. Fairfax occu- pies Bodmin . . 67 March 2. The Prince of Wales embarks for the Scilly Isles . . 67 March 14. Hopton's sur- ivnder . 68 February 5. Arrest of Will Murray . . 69 February 19. Charles re- fuses to make religious . concessions to the Scots 70 55 March 2. Charles appeals to the Independents . 71 Charles's letters to his wife 72 The Scottish terms con- veyed by Sir R. Moray . 73 March 16. Modification of the Scottish pro- posals . . .74 Final terms of the Scots . 75 March 17. Montreuil car- ries them to Oxford . 76 February 13. Question of the command of the suburban militia . . 76 March 5. The Ordinance for Presbyterianism passed by the Commons 76 March 14. The Ordin- ance passed by the Lords 77 The Recruiters . . 77 Baillie's view of the situa- tion. . . . 78 March 14. The City com- plains of the i4th clause of the Ordinance for Presbyterianism . 78 March 17. Montreuil's negotiation with Charles 79 M arch 2 1 . Astley de- feated at Stow-on-the Wold . . . 79 Causes of Charles's mili- tary failure . . 80 Cromwell's national posi- - tion. . . 81 Vlll CONTENTS OF CHAPTER XLI. THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. PAGE 1646 March 23. Charles again asks to return to West- minster . . . 83 March 24. Alarm in the City . . .84 Hugh Peters' s thanks- giving sermon . . 84 March 23. Charles sends a secret message to the Scots . . .86 April r. Engagements ex- changed through Mont- reuil . 87 April 3. Montreuil goes to the Scottish camp . 88 April 15. Further modifi- cation of the Scottish terms . . .89 April 13. Charles's vow . 90 Montrose in the High- lands . 90 April 18. Charles invites Montrose to join the Covenanters . . 90 April 22. Charles thinks of escaping to Lynn . 91 April 13. Surrender of Exeter and other for- tresses in the West . 91 April 7. The Scots urge Parliament to come to terms with the King . 93 April 17. Manifesto of the Commons . . 93 The Commons attack the Divine Right of Presby- tery . . . . 94 April 23. Cromwell thanked by the House . 95 April 22. Charles sends a message to Ireton . 95 April 25. Makes over- tures to Rainsborough . 96 April 26. Takes leave of his Council . . . 97 April 27. Leaves Oxford 97 April 28. Hudson sent to Montreuil . . 99 April 30. The verbal en- gagement of the Scots . 100 May 5. Charles arrives at Southwell 102 CHAPTER XLII. THE FIRST MONTHS OF THE KING'S CAPTIVITY. 1646 May 5. Charles removed to Kelham . . 103 May 6. Newark surren- dered . . 103 May 13. The King at Newcastle . . 104 May 1 8. The Presby- terian majority in the Lords . 105 May 19. The Commons resolve that the Scottish army is no longer needed 106 May 18. The King writes to the Houses, the City, and the Scottish Com- mittee of Estates . 107 May 25. Effect of his letters at Westminster . 107 May ii. Oxford sum- moned . . 1 08 June 15. Ireton's mar- riage . . .109 June 24. Surrender of Oxford . . . 109 April 16. The Prince of Wales leaves Scilly for Jersey . . .no May 20. Hyde protests against the Prince's re- moval to France . . no June. Charles's contro- versy with Henderson . in June 9. Charles proposes a local toleration of Epi- scopacy . . .112 June 8. The Commons learn that the Scots in- tend to employ their army in the King's cause . . .113 THE THIRD VOLUME. IX PAGE The Scots declare their innocency . . 114 June n. Charles applies to the English Parlia- ment . . . 115 June 18. Hudson's con- fession . . .115 June 25. Argyle's speech at Westminster . . 116 Argyle's policy . .117 June 20. The Prince's re- moval from Jersey de- manded . . .118 June 26. The Prince em- barks for France . . 119 PACE Hyde's character and prin- ciples contrasted with Cromwell's . .119 His dissatisfaction with Charles's conduct . . 121 His History of the Rebel- lion ...,'. .121 His relation to Hooker . 122 May 5. A petition for the abolition of tithes . .124 June ii. Lilburne com- mitted by the Lords . 125 July ii. Is sentenced to fine and imprisonment . 125 CHAPTER XLIII. THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. 1646 June 9. Elders to be elected in London . . July 13. Despatch of pro- positions to the King . Bellievre's mission The Queen's Memorandum Hyde's opinion of the propositions Mazarin aims at the an- nexation of the Spanish Netherlands Bellievre's instructions July. Bellievre's first re- port from England Chances in favour of the King . July i. Charles makes up his mind to reject the propositions July 16. Charles's secret communications with Montrose July 30. Arrival of the Parliamentary Commis- sioners August i. Charles gives an evasive reply to the propositions August 3. Montreuil sent back to France Charles acts in opposition to the Queen His views on the connec- , tion between Church and State . 127 128 128 129 129 130 130 132 132 J33 134 135 135 136 Impossibility of coming to terms with him . August 12. Reception of the King's answer at Westminster . . 137 August i4-September i. Votes for paying off the Scots . . .138 September 2. An ordi- nance against blas- phemy and heresy brought in . . . 139 End of the War . . 139 September 4. A Scottish deputation at Newcastle 140 September 7. Charles complains to the Queen 141 September 14. Charles in consultation with Will Murray . . . 142 August 31. Montrose es- capes from Scotland . 143 State of the Highlands . 143 September 16. Charles makes fresh proposals to Ormond . . . 144 September 18. The Com- mons claim for the English Parliament the disposal of the King . 144 September 22. Concur- rence of the Lords . 144 October 9. Ordinance abolishing Episcopacy . 145 October 7. Fairfax's CONTENTS OF army continued for six months . . . 145 The Scots claim a share in the disposal of the King . . .146 October 10 Cromwell's opposition to the ballot. 147 October 22. Massey's troops disbanded . 147 September 16. Death of Essex . . . 148 October 22. Funeral of Essex . . .148 November 26. His effigy destroyed . . . 149 CHAPTER XLIV. THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. 1646 June ii. Charles directs Ormond to abandon the negotiation with the Irish . . -151 He explains his order away 151 June 5. Monro defeated by Owen O'Neill at Benburb . . . 152 June 29. Distress of the garrison of Dublin . 153 July 4. Digby's arrival at Dublin . . 154 July 20. Charles holds secret communications with Glamorgan . 154 July 30. The Irish peace proclaimed . -.155 August 12. The peace condemned by a congre- gation of the clergy . 156 August 9. The experi- ences of Ulster King-at- arms . . 157 August 17. Towns ac- cepting the peace threat- ened with an interdict . 157 Owen O'Neill declares for the clergy . . 157 August 18. Action of the Supreme Council . 158 August 31. Ormond at Kilkenny . . . 159 September 19. Arrest of the leaders of the Su- preme Council . .159 September 26. A new Supreme Council . . 160 September 28. Glamor- gan to be Lord-Lieu- tenant under the Nuncio 160 September 26. Ormond sends for help to West- minster . . . 161 Weakness of the Supreme Council . . . 162 Ireland only capable of an ecclesiastical organisa- tion . . . 163 Grounds of English re- sistance . . ,163 October 12. Reception of Ormond' s overtures at Westminster . .164 CHAPTER XLV. THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. 1646 September 21. Charles rejects the Queen's pro- ject . . 165 September 30. He con- sults divines on a new proposal . . 1 66 October 5. The case against Charles's eccle- siastical policy . . 167 October 12. Charles sends his new proposal by Will Murray . .168 His proposal rejected by the Scots . .168 October 31. The Queen condemns it . . 169 The siege of Dunkirk . 169 THE THIRD VOLUME. XI PAGE September 21. Cardenas pleads for help . . 170 October i. Surrender of Dunkirk . -171 October 9. The Queen gives fresh advice . . 171 She expects that Montrose will again take the field 171 She proposes to cede the Channel Islands to France . . . 172 Failure of Will Murray's mission . . . 172 November 2. Charles proposes a temporary abdication . . 173 -November 7. Will Mur- ray returns to Newcastle 174 Bellievre advises Charles to come to terms with the Independents . . 174 Growing desire for the King's restoration . 175 November 18. Hudson's escape . . . 176 Proposed rising against Parliament . . 176 November 28. Charles receives the Queen's ob- jections to his plan . . 178 December 5. He points out an equivocation in his offer to Parliament . 178 December 6. His offer rejected by the Scots . 179 November 3. Meeting of the Scottish Parliament 179 Arrangements for the de- parture of the Scots . 1 80 The Scottish Parliament proposes to support the King . . 180 December 17. Protest of the clergy . .181 The Scottish Parliament calls on Charles to ac- cept the Covenant and the propositions . . 181 December 16. Charles learns that his proposed PAGE abdication is unaccepta- ble to Mazarin and the Queen . . .182 December 20. He again asks to come to London 183 December 19. A City petition . . . 183 December 21. Discovery of a design to carry off the Duke of York . 184 December 22. The Lords wish to place the King at Newmarket . .184 December 24. The Com- mons declare for Holinby House . . . 184 December 31. The Lords give way . . . 185 December 31. Ordinance against lay preaching . 186 December 22. Offers made to Charles by the Scottish commanders . 186 December 24. Charles attempts to escape . 186 November. Ormond re- fuses to surrender Dub- lin to the English Parliament . . 187 1647 January 5. Charles ap- proves of Ormond's refusal . . .187 January 4. Bellievre at- tempts to win David Leslie . . . 187 January 30. The Scots leave Charles in the hands of the English commissioners . . 188 The Scots compared to Judas . . . 189 They were unable to sup- port Charles if they had wished to do so . . 190 Charles's object in clinging to monarchy and Epi- scopacy . . . 190 Weakness of English Presbyterianism . 191 Xll CONTENTS OF CHAPTER XLVI. FINANCIAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE DISORDER. 1647 Parliamentary finance . 192 Estimate of the revenue . 193 Condition of the labouring class . . .195 Bad harvests . . . 195 Falling off of rents . 196 Royalist compositions . 196 Sequestrations . . 197 A general composition . 198 The Goldsmiths' Hall committee . . 198 Condition of delinquents . 198 The Dorset committee . 200 The Elements of the Eng- lish Reformation , 200 Union between the Royal- ist clergy and laity . Parliamentary Presbyte- rianism . The Church and the county committees . The Verneys of Claydon . Sir Ralph Verney of Claydon Sir Ralph's sisters . Money troubles A young widow . Sir Ralph expelled the House Claydon under sequestra- tion PAGE 200 2OI 2O2 203 203 206 209 210 211 211 CHAPTER XLVII. THE PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. 1647 February 3. Charles leaves Newcastle . 212 February 16. He arrives at Holmby House . . 213 January. A fresh Presby- terian negotiation with him . . . 213 His unguarded language . 215 Slights put on him by the Houses . . 215 February i^. A riot at Smithfield . . 216 February 18. A Presby- terian scheme for the reduction of the army . 217 January 16. Dublin re- fuses to support Ormond's soldiers . . 217 February 16. Ormond . offers to surrender his office unconditionally . 218 Votes for the demolition of fortifications in Eng- land . . 218 Relations between Fairfax and the Houses . . 219 March 8. An attack on Cromwell . . . 220 March 11-17. Petitions against the army . 220 Cromwell's Parliamentary defeat . . . 221 He proposes to take ser- vice in Germany . 222 Attempt to engage soldiers to volunteer for Ireland. 223 March 21-22. Meetings at Saffron Walden . . 223 Divisions in the army . 224 Question of the arrears of pay . . 225 A soldiers' petition . . 225 Indignation at Westmin- ster . . . 226 March 27. Order for the suppression of the sol- diers' petition . . 227 March 29. The Presby- terians take alarm . 228 March 30. The declara- tion of the Houses . . 229 Skippon summoned from the North . '. 230 THE THIRD VOLUME. xm CHAPTER XLVIII. THE AGITATORS. PAGE 1647 April i. Officers at the Bar of the Commons . 231 Arrangements for the government of Ireland . 232 April 15. Parliamentary commissioners at Saffron Walden . . . 233 Resistance amongst the . officers . . . . 233 April 21. Failure of the commissioners . . 235 The ' Godly Party ' in the army . . 235 Lilburne's influence over the soldiers . . 235 A military gathering at Ipswich . . . 236 Charles at Holmby . 237 The Prince of Wales and the Great Mademoiselle 238 The Queen's political schemes . . . 238 April 21. Charles receives a message from the army 239 Talk of fetching the King to the army . . 239 Character of Ireton . . 240 Cromwell's hesitation . 241 April 21. The Commons resolve to send the New- castle Propositions to the King . . 242 April 27. Report of the Commissioners . . 242 Six weeks' arrears voted . 243 Eight cavalry regiments choose Agitators . 243 April 28. The Agitators address letters to the generals . . . 244 Anger of the Presbyte- rians . . . 245 April 30. Three Agitators at the bar . . . 245 The military members sent as commissioners to the army . . .245 General election of Agita- tors . . . . 247 May 16. A Declaration of the Army presented to the Commissioners . 248 May 17. Reply of the Commissioners . . 249 Language used by Crom- well and Ireton . . 249 CHAPTER XLIX. THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. 1647 The City receives power to appoint a new militia committee . . . 250 The City militia purged of Independents . . 250 Huntly overpowered by David Leslie . . 251 Arrival of Lauderdale and Dunfermline . . 252 May 12. Charles replies to the Newcastle Proposi- tions . . . 252 May 18. Coalition be- tween the Scots and the English Presbyterians in favour of the King . 253 May 19. Circular of the Agitators . . . 253 May 20. The Lords invite the King to Oatlands . 254 A Lilburnian movement in London . . 254 Imprisonment of Tew and Tulidah . . .256 The Commons order the burning of the Lilburnian petitions . . . 257 May 21. Cromwell asserts that the army will dis- band . . . 258 Ordinances favourable to the soldiers . . . 258 A Presbyterian negotiation with the Scots . . 259 Plan for carrying the King to Scotland . . 259 XIV CONTENTS OF The Houses resolve to pro- ceed with the disband- ment of the army . 260 The Agitators determine to resist . . . 261 May 27. Ireton expresses the dissatisfaction of the soldiers . . .261 May 31. The Commis- sioners for disband ment arrive at Chelmsford . 262 Mutiny in Fairfax's regi- ment . . . 262 Recall of the Commis- sioners . . . 263 May 30. Rainsborough at Abingdon . . . 264 Cromwell placed between military anarchy and a Scottish Invasion . . 264 May 31. Cromwell sends Joyce to Holmby . 266 June 2. Joyce finds the King at Al thorp . . 269 June 3. He enters Holm- by House . . 269 He obtains the King's pro- mise to accompany him 271 June 4. Carries off the King . . .271 Army and Parliament at issue . . . 273 CHAPTER L. THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. 1647 June 2. Another Lilburn- ian petition . . 275 June 3. Effect of the news from Holmby . . 276 June 4. The Declaration against the Army ex- punged . . .277 June 5. The Houses order a rendezvous . . 277 June 6. Attitude of the Presbyterians . . 278 June 4. Cromwell escapes to Newmarket . . 279 A rendezvous on Kentford Heath . . . 279 The Humble Representa- tion, and The Solemn Engagement . . 279 Council of the Army to be formed . . .281 The Presbyterians to be conciliated . . 281 Cromwell's change of front . . .281 Difficulty of restoring dis- cipline . . . 283 Charles visited by Fairfax and Cromwell . . 285 He arrives at Newmarket . 285 The House of Commons beset by Reformadoes . 285 Attempt to form a Parlia- mentary army . . 285 A rendezvous on Triploe Heath . . . 287 The army appeals to the City . . . 287 Was Cromwell a hypo- crite? . . . 289 June ii. Warlike resolu- tions at Westminster . 291 A Committee of Safety ap- pointed , . .291 June 12. The army marches towards Lon- don . . . 292 June 13. Submission of the City . . . 293 June 15. The Declaration of the Army . . . 293 Constitutional programme of the army . . 294 Ireton's political views . 295 THE THIRD VOLUME. xv CHAPTER LI. THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. 1647 June 15. Charles invited to Richmond . . 297 June 16. The Committee of Safety repudiated . 298 Charge brought against eleven members . 298 The Presbyterians without support . . . 299 Alaster Macdonald driven from Scotland . . 299 A Scottish army offered to Charles . . . 300 June 18. Lauderdale's in- terview with Charles . 301 June 22. The Commons reject the constitutional proposals of the army . 302 Military designs of the Presbyterians . . 302 June 24. The Houses give way . . . . 304 June 26. Withdrawal of the eleven members . 304 Undisguised military inter- vention . . . 305 June 28. Full demands of the army . . 305 l-AGE June 25. The King visited by his chaplains . . 306 Futile attempt of the Houses to dismiss the chaplains . 306 The King at Windsor . 307 Head-quarters removed to Reading, and the King to Caversham . . 308 Charles's interview with Cromwell . . . 308 Importance of gaining Charles . . . 309 A parody on George Her- bert's Sacrifice . . 309 Cromwell anxious to come to an understanding with the King . . 310 June 28. Jeremy Taylor's Liberty of Prophesying . 310 Charles disapproves of Taylor's argument . 312 May i. Ordinance for the visitation of the Uni- versity of Oxford . . 313 June i. Resistance of the University . . 314 June 4. An abortive visi- tation . . 314 CHAPTER LII. THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. 1647 July8-n. Bellievre's visit to the army . . 316 Sir John Berkeley sent for . . . . 317 July 12. Berkeley at Reading . . .318 Cromwell and the King . 319 Adverse opinions on Crom- well's character . . 320 Agitation amongst Poyntz's troops . . 321 Poyntz captured and sent to Reading . . 322 Articles against the eleven members . . . 322 The danger not past . 323 The holiday of the London apprentices . . . 324 The apprentices' petition . 325 VOL. III. Cromwell and Ireton op- pose the demand of the Agitators for a march on London . . . 326 The Presbyteriansabandon the struggle . . 327 July 20. The eleven mem- bers ask leave to go abroad . . . 328 Cromwell's attitude to- wards Parliament . 328 July 17. The Heads of the Proposals before the Council of the Army . 329 Its plan for Church govern- ment . . .330 Its constitutional arrange- ments . . . 330 Hostility of the King . 333 a CONTENTS OF CHAPTER LIII. THE MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. 1647 July 22. Charles nego- tiates with Lauderdale. 334 July 21. The Solemn En- gagement of the City . 335 July 26. A mob at West- minster . . . 336 The Houses under co- ercion . . . 336 July 29. Fairfax leaves Bedford . . 338 July 30. Retreat of the Speakers and of the In- dependent members . 339 Proceedings of the Presby- terians at Westminster . 339 July 30. Fairfax at Coin- brook . . -339 July 23. The Heads of the Proposals submitted to Charles . . . 340 July 30. Lauderdale ex- pelled from Woburn . 342 August i. Publication of the Heads of the Pro- posals . ..- 343 Danger of anarchy m the City . . 343 August 3. The fugitive members received by the army . . . 344 Surrender of the City . 345 August 6. The army enters London . . 345 Restoration of the fugitive members . . 345 August 7. The army marches through the City . . . 345 The Independent majority in the House of Lords . 346 August 9. The struggle in the House of Com- mons . . . 347 A bare majority for the Independents . . 347 August io. The Presby- terians regain the ma- jority . . . 348 August 14. The Agita- tors call for a purge . 348 August 16. Flight of six of the eleven members . 349 August 18. Cromwell and the Council of the Army support the Agitators . 350 Resistance of Fairfax. . 351 August 20. Cromwell co- erces the House . 351 CHAPTER LIV. CROMWELL AND THE KING. 1647 Cromwell still builds his hopes on the King . 353 August 24. Charles at Hampton Court and head-quarters at Putney 354 August 26. The New- castle Propositions re- vived . . 355 The Independents attempt to mediate between King and Parliament . . 356 September 7. The Pro- positions laid before the King 357 September 8. Impeach- ment of seven peers . 357 Cromwell and Ireton give assurances to the King. 358 Charles's hopes from Scot- land . . -359 The Hamiltons take up the King's cause . . 359 September 4. - Action of the Committee of Es- tates . . . 360 Batten offers the English fleet to the Scots . . 360 THE THIRD VOLUME. xvii PAGE PAGE The King's answer to the One more application to Propositions 361 be made to the King . 368 September 9. The Coun- Charles founds his hopes cil of the Army discusses on the divisions of his the terms of the King's adversaries . 3 68 restoration 362 Cromwell and Ireton per- Lilburne's overture to sist in continuing their Cromwell . 363 negotiations with the Lilburne denounces Crom- King . 369 well 364 September 28. An Inde- Proposals of the Council of pendent Lord Mayor . 37 the Army 365 The Commons vote that Cromwell vilified by Rains- Rainsborough shall be borough and by the Lon- Vice-Admiral 37 don newspapers 365 New overtures from the September 21. The army to the King 37i King's answer voted a Growing dissatisfaction denial of the Proposi- with Cromwell 37 2 tions 366 October n. Arrival of a Divisions in the Indepen- fresh body of Scottish dent party 366 Commissioners . 373 Rejection of a proposed October 14. Failure of the vote of No Addresses . 367 negotiations between the army and the King 373 CHAPTER LV. THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. 1647 Cromwell seeks a compro- mise with the Presby- terians . . 375 October 13. The Lords' scheme for the settlement of religion . . 375 Presbyterianism to be ac- cepted till the end of the next session . . 376 Selden and Marten plead in vain for the toleration of Catholics . . 377 Toleration to be denied to those who use the Prayer Book . . . 377 The new Agitators . 378 October 18. The Case of the Army truly stated laid before Fairfax . . 378 The King will not hear of a compromise . . 380 October 20. Cromwell's speech on behalf of monarchy . . 381 October 28. An army meeting in Putney Church . . . 382 The Agreement of 'the People taken into consideration 383 A discussion on natural rights . . 385 October 29. Provisions of the Agreement of the People . . .386 Compared with those of American State constitu- tions . . 387 A debate on manhood suf- frage . . .388 October 30. A committee to consider the engage- ments of the army . 390 It prepares a new consti- tutional scheme . . 390 Cromwell's conservatism . 391 xviii CONTENTS OF THE THIRD VOLUME. APPENDIX. ? as presented to the October 28, '1647 . . . ... . . 392 PAGE The Agreement of the People as presented to the Council of the Army, MAPS. The last campaign in the West . . . . . .61 The route of Charles I. after his escape from Oxford . . 98 THE GREAT CIVIL WAR. CHAPTER XXXVIII. A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. ALREADY, before his return to Oxford, Charles had been play- ing with each of the two parties into which his opponents were Charles divided. The attempt to open a correspondence plays with with L even and the Scottish army was now of old parties. date. 1 There is more obscurity as regards the inter- course between Charles and the Independents, but there is strong reason to believe that he had given a favourable response to overtures made to him from that quarter for an understand- ing on the basis of liberty of conscience. 2 On the whole, how- ever, the King inclined to the Presbyterians. He was afraid of the democratic tendencies of the army, and he underesti- mated the tenacity with which the Presbyterians clung to their ecclesiastical system. Circumstances were bringing both the Scots and the English Presbyterians to contemplate an understanding with the King, as affording them a rallying-point against the Independents. 1 See vol. ii. p. 385. 2 It is true that nothing of this appears in the printed papers taken at Sherburn, or in the notes in Yonge's Diary of others read in Parliament. The Scottish Dove, however (E. 308, 25), says that ' the chief champions of our sectaries, or furious factious men, have been tampering with the Royal party,' and this, which in itself would not be of much weight, is confirmed by the reiterated allegations of Montreuil. VOL. III. B 2 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvni. Though, as far as liberty of conscience was concerned, the Pres- byterians had the mastery in the House of Commons, the In- dependents carried all before them whenever any and question arose bearing on the conduct of the war, or dents p fn~the on the relations between the English Parliament and Commons. -^ Scottish auxiliaries. Towards the end of September there was much bickering between the House and the Scots. Sept. 23. On the 23rd the Commons voted that Leven should army" s ^ e as ^ e< ^ to ^7 s ^ G S e to Newark, that 1,4007. a week to should be paid to his infantry, and that he should south. no t be allowed to levy taxes or contributions in any Sept. 3 o. part of England. The Scottish commissioners re- the P Scots. minded the House that it was one thing to vote money and another thing to pay it, and that of the large sums which had been already voted, very little had ever come into their hands. If their soldiers were neither paid nor allowed to levy contributions, they must either starve or disband. This sharp reply was accompanied by a request that Presbyterian government might be established and negotiations opened with the King. 1 Almost at the same time that the gulf between the Scots and the House of Commons was thus widening, Holland made Holland a proposal to Montreuil that the King should seek P ha p the s refuge with the Scottish army. Montreuil passed on King shall the project to Balmerino, who was one of the Scottish po to the Scots. commissioners, and Balmerino adopted it warmly. Holland was hardly the man to invent such a stroke of policy, and it is likely enough that he had in some way learnt that the proposal had already been made by Charles to Leven and Callander. At all events, he now took it up with the utmost enthusiasm. " I am but a poor gentleman," he told Montreuil, " with a scanty following, but I should be able to go to the King with 10,000 men." 2 Knowing nothing of the proposed scheme, the Commons proceeded to act as if their express design had been to irritate the Scots. It is true that they voted them 30,0007. to be paid 1 CJ. iv. 283 ; L.J. vii. 619. * Montreuil to Brienne, Oct. ^. Carte MSS. Ixxxiii. fol. 101. 1645 THE SCOTS APPLY TO THE KING, 3 on November i, on condition that their army was actually before Newark on that date, but they took no notice of any of Oct. 6. the complaints of the Scottish commissioners. They JJSdto treated Leven's troops as hired auxiliaries who the Scots. were expected to obey orders without question. 1 They complained, and justly complained, of the devastation wrought by the Scottish army in the northern counties, but they could not be induced to remember that it was their own slackness in sending pay which had been the main cause of Oct. i 3 . the evil. On the i3th they passed a new series of found with resolutions, protesting against the conduct -of the Scots, and demanding the immediate withdrawal of their garrison from the northern towns. It is true that they added a resolution to set apart two days a week to the con- sideration of propositions of peace, but the Scots were likely to doubt whether their deliberations would lead to a speedy result. 2 Under these affronts the Scots were growing more inclined than they had hitherto been to listen to direct overtures from Oct. 9 . Charles. Leven, indeed, was too cautious to engage refuses to m political intrigues, and he had recently forwarded wlfhlh? to Westminster a letter in which Digby, immediately Kin s- on his arrival with the King at Newark, had pressed him for an answer to his former proposals. 3 The commis- Oct. i 7 . sioners in London were, however, less reserved, and o?t e he erms on O ct ber 17, having adopted the view already Scottish expressed by Balmerino, they placed in Montreuil's commis- J . . sioners. hands a paper expressing the terms of peace to which they were prepared to consent. The King, according to these terms, was to agree to establish ecclesiastical affairs in the manner agreed on by the Parliaments and Assemblies of both kingdoms. If he did that, his wishes would, as far as possible, be complied with in all other respects. When he had signified his acceptance of this proposal, the Scots would use all their power in his support. Fearing to commit themselves, the 1 C.J. iv. 298. - Ibid. iv. 305. 3 Digby's letter was dated Oct. 4, and was read with Leven's answer in the House of Lords on Oct. 15. L.J. vii. 638. B 2 4 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvm. commissioners requested Montreuil to take a ciphered copy of their paper for transmission to France, and to return the orig- inal into their hands. They had, in fact, no sort of warrant from any public authority in Scotland to do what they were doing, and the Scottish Parliament would be able to disavow them with a good conscience if it saw fit to do so. It was agreed that the Queen's support should, if possible, be obtained before her husband was directly approached, and The terms Sir Robert Moray, who had recently been appointed carried to colonel of the Scottish guard in France, and who ^e Queen would consequently be able to cross the sea without Moray. ' exciting attention, was selected as the bearer of so important a communication. Moray, who, after the Restora- tion, became the first president of the Royal Society, was a man of singular force and delicacy of character ; but, like all his countrymen, he was quite unable to understand how anyone could entertain a conscientious objection to take part in the abolition of Episcopacy. 1 In fact, there was no need for a Scotchman to be a bigot to make him anxious to see Presbyterianism established in Eng- land. The Scottish nobility and gentry did not so much dread either Episcopacy or Independency, in so far as they were ecclesiastical institutions, as they feared the establishment of a military organisation by their powerful neighbour under influences hostile to themselves. 2 They believed, rightly or wrongly, that a negotiation was on foot between the King and the Independents, 3 and the prospect of a junction between Royalty, Independency, and the New Model army naturally filled them with alarm. 1 Montreuil to Du Bosc, Oct. |f ; Transcript of a paper given to Montreuil ; Questions put by Montreuil, Arch, des Aff. EtrangZreS) li. fol. 284, 308, 315. 2 Montreuil told Mazarin that the Scots asked for the establishment of Presbyterianism in England, ' ayans toujours a craindre de 1'Angleterre tant qu'elle ne se gouvernerait point dans les choses de la religion par un mesme esprit que 1'Escosse.' Montreuil to Mazarin, Oct. ||. Arch, des Aff. Etrangtres, li. fol. 317. 8 Balmerino had told Montreuil ' que le Prince Robert avoit apporte de Bristo a Oxford les articles de la paix entre le Roy de la Grande 1 645 DIGBY^S CORRESPONDENCE. 5 Some weeks would necessarily elapse before the success of Moray's mission could be known in England. Long before that time arrived the Houses were in possession of Lord ' ' information which strengthened their resolution to correspond- make no peace with the King on any terms short of ' ad ' his absolute submission. Lord Digby's correspond- ence had been captured at Sherburn, as his master's had been captured at Naseby, and during the last week in October the Houses learnt more than they had ever known before of the details of the negotiation with the Prince of Orange for his daughter's hand, and of the readiness of the Stadtholder to employ Dutch shipping against the English Parliament. Some- thing too they discovered of aid implored by Charles from Denmark, and of contributions expected from the French clergy. Above all things it was clear that Charles continued to hope for the intervention of an Irish army, and that he had consented to the abolition of the penal laws. One passage struck nearer home. " We are," wrote some one, who was probably Digby himself, " in hourly expectation of an answer from the Scots' army to those overtures made unto them, whereof I advertised you formerly, and we have cause to hope well of that negotia- tion." l It would evidently be unwise to publish letters in which so many foreign States, and possibly the Scots themselves, were The inde compromised, and for the present at least they were pendent allowed to remain unprinted. 2 Yet they could not strength- but confirm the hold which the Independent leaders had acquired upon the House as the chief supporters of the war. Their influence, indeed, was now greater than ever, as, by a combination with a group of members which was not disposed to accept their whole programme, they had of Bretagne et les Anglois Independans, et qu'on attendoit le dit^Roy pour les signer.' Montreuil to Mazarin, Sept. f. Arch, des Aff. Etrangtres, li. fol. 568. Later information connected the King more directly with the negotiation. 1 LJ. vii. 666 ; The Lord George Digits Cabinet, E. 329, 15. 2 Till March 26, 1646. The passage about the Scots is in LJ. vii. 668. 6 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvm. late found themselves on the winning side even on questions of religion. The Independents had long discovered that it would be as imprudent as it would be useless to throw obstacles in the way of the establishment of Presbyterianism. They had, therefore, found it expedient to preserve silence on the question of liberty of worship for sectarian congregations outside the Presbyterian pale till a more convenient season should arrive. Yet if such a season was ever to They find common arrive, it was necessary to provide that the Pres- against byterianism to be established should not assume a Presby- thoroughly Scottish character that is to say, that it namsm. ^ Q}]i \^ not j^ entirely in the hands of the clergy and of the clerically-minded laity, but that it should be sub- jected to the influences which prevailed in distinctively lay society. In working in this direction the Independents were certain of the support of many who would not hear of tolera- tion, especially as not only the lawyers but not a few of the ordinary supporters of Presbyterianism were Erastian at heart, and no more wished to be subjected to clerical Presbyterianism than they had formerly wished to be subjected to Episcopacy. The battle was fought out on a question sure to arise as soon as any attempt was made to bring the Presbyterian system Mayo. m to action. As early as on May 9 the Houses SJ^xdusion decided that the right of exclusion from participa- fromthe t i on j n the Lord's Supper should rest, as the supper. Assembly had desired, in the eldership that is to say, in the lay elders combined with the minister. They themselves, however, drew up a definition of the competent knowledge to be required of communicants, as well as a list of the moral offences which were to debar from communion. 1 Aug. 4 . To this the Assembly took exception. On August 4, theAiem- finding that the Houses persisted in refusing to allow to the eldership an arbitrary and unlimited power of exclusion, they stated their own view of the case in reply. " How," they asked, " can that power be called arbi- trary which is not according to the will of man, but the will of Christ ; or how can it be supposed to be unlimited which is 1 L.J. vii. 362. 1 645 INDEPENDENTS AND ERASTIANS. 7 circumscribed and regulated by the exactest law the Word of God?" 1 Such views obtained little, if any, support in either of the Houses. Both Lords and Commons went tranquilly on their m drawing U P m ^ es f r tne choice of elders, Se t 2 A committee and on September 20 the Lords insisted, not only of both . . . . .. f ff Houses on on maintaining the list of offences, but on adding a cafk,n^ nl " clause to the effect that if there were any not specified which were thought by the elders to de- serve excommunication, no action should be taken by them till the matter had been referred to a standing committee of Oct. 20. both Houses, ' to the end that the Parliament, if nee d require, may hear and determine the same,' 2 This proposal was accepted by the Commons, and was finally, on October 20, embodied in an ordinance. 3 The same spirit which prevailed in prescribing limitations to the authority of the elders prevailed in the rules laid down for their election. Pending the full introduction of the system in the counties, Parliament had resolved to set up a model in London. London was to be divided into twelve classes, to which a thirteenth, comprising the Inns of Court and other abodes of lawyers, was subsequently added. In each of these classes was erected a ooard of nine triers, without whose con- firmation no election of elders by the congregations would have any validity. Each board of triers was to consist of three ministers and six laymen, and, what was of more importance, these triers were to be named not by any church assembly but by Parliamentary ordinance. To the zealous Presbyterians of the Assembly the course taken by Parliament was a sore discomfiture. " Our greatest Baiiiie's trouble for the time," wrote Baillie, "is from the lament. Erastians of the House of Commons. They are at last content to erect presbyteries and synods in all the land. . . . Yet they give to the ecclesiastical courts so little power that the Assembly, finding their petitions not granted, are in great doubt whether to set up anything, till, by some 1 Petitions, Aug. 4, 12. L.J. vii. 523, 534. 2 L.J. vii. 609. 3 Ibid. vii. 649, 652. 8 A DIPLOMA TIC TANGLE. CH. XXXVIIL powerful petition of many thousand hands, they obtain some more of their just desires. The only means to obtain this and all else we desire is our recruited army about Newark." l Baillie's cry for * some powerful petition ' was evidently addressed to the City of London, which was already taking its stand with the Presbyterian Scots, if not in its the London zeal to subject the laity to the clergy, at least in its desire to free both laity and clergy when as- sembled for ecclesiastical purposes from the interference of Parliament. The Common Council represented, not the whole of the inhabitants, but the tradesmen and merchants of London. Their religion was a good average religion, and their morality a good average morality. Of the heights and depths of spiritual warfare, of the soul's travail, and of the eager quest for truth, they neither knew nor cared to know anything. Milton's scornful reference to the rich man who would fain be religious, and who, having found out some divine of note and estimation, made ' the very person of that man his religion,' and having feasted him and entertained him in the evening, and in the morning, gladly allowed him to walk abroad at eight, and to leave ' his kind entertainer in the shop trading all day without his religion,' 2 was doubtless a carica- ture, though not without a basis of truth. Yet there was another side from which a picture might be drawn. The religion of the London citizens on the whole implied an observance of those common rules of honesty and self-restraint, without which all religion is vain, and which in the eighteenth century continued to characterise them, after the zeal of Puritanism had melted away. Such men could not but be Presbyterian, though their Presbyterianism was likely to be more after Prynne's type than Their after Baillie's. The lay-elderships opened to them a whole sphere of disciplinary activity, and they would be quite ready to use their new powers in silencing the voices of those who, for any reason, were unwilling to tread the beaten paths. They had a horror of singularity, especially if singularity appeared likely to lead to disquiet. 1 Baillie> ii. 318. - Areopagitiea. i645 BURTON LOCKED OUT. 9 Within the last few weeks a controversy had arisen in the City which served to disclose the temper of the citizens. A Controversy lectureship supported by voluntary contributions at Aid 5 - 7 '" the church' of St. Mary's Aldermanbury, of which Calamy was the minister, was controlled by a com- mittee representing the subscribers. The lecturer was Henry Burton's Burton, and for some time the congregation heard -eship. him gladly of late he had given offence by advo- cating the Independent system, but his culminating fault was Sept. 23. that he called on his hearers to make sure of their sermon re ij g j on ^y personal investigation, and not to take it gives on trust from Parliament or Assembly. On this the committee locked the door of the church in his face and put Oct. e. an end to m ' s lectureship. In the controversy which the e church f followed no stress was laid by the committee on the lg C a k inst scriptural argument for Presbyterianism. What was him- wanted was not a divinely appointed model of church government, but peace and quiet. The committee was quite ready to trust Parliament to make some arrangement which would satisfy all moderate men, and to which all who were not moderate must be compelled to submit. If their lecturer was to stir up troublesome questions, he would not only foster distractions in the congregation, but might drive influential subscribers to withhold their subscriptions. l To do the committee justice, it had not merely to be on its guard against the high champions of spiritual religion. In- Twofoid dependency was apt to assume an unlovely shape in indepen^ tne e yes of the well-to-do citizen. The main danger, as far as he was concerned, did not lie in the enforce- ment of the ideas of the Dissenting Brethren concerning ecclesiastical organisation, but in the noisy ranting of the tub- preacher. Wild incoherency of ignorant speech was flowing from the mouths of men and women who had no sense of decorum and no capacity for grasping the relative importance of doctrines, while they regarded themselves as immensely superior to those who had hitherto been counted as their 1 Truth shut out of doors, by H. Burton, E. 311, I ; The door of truth opened, E. 311, 15. io A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvm. betters. On one occasion at least this reversal of the old order led to the deliberate defilement of the pews in which the wealthier citizens ensconced themselves, and which were as hateful to the equalitarian zeal of the sectaries as they had been to Laud. 1 Whilst Presbyterianism was obtaining a firm hold on the City, the Dissenting Brethren in the Assembly marked the Oct i growing influence of the Independents in the House TheDis- o f Commons. In April they had been bidden to Brethren produce their own scheme of church government, produce a On October 13 they flatly refused to do anything of chifrSi the kind. They declared that the majority of the government. Assem bi y had shown itself so hostile that it was hopeless to expect from it a fair construction of anything that they might propose. 2 It was the House of Lords, and not the House of Commons, which now took up the cause of the NOV. e. minority by ordering, on November 6, the revival of retivehe S Cromwell's Accommodation Order for a committee modadon to cons ider how an accommodation could be effected Order. between the Presbyterian system and that of the Dissenting Brethren. 3 It can hardly be doubted that the Lords came to this resolution, not because they approved of it, but NOV. i 4 . because they feared something worse. On the i4th ln s ce c b c y p the the proposal of the Lords was accepted by the Commons. Commons. It was all in vain. What had been in Thesis 1 - 7 ' September 1644, when Cromwell proposed it, a seming healing measure, was in November 1645 a mere Brethren . . ^ J declare for retrograde expedient for shelving an inconvenient of con- ' subject. The Dissenting Brethren would have none of it. The first meeting of the committee, on the i yth, showed that an arrangement on these terms was imprac- ticable. The Independents declared for full liberty of con- 1 A just defence off. Bastwick, p. 41. E. 265, 2. 2 A copy of a Remonstrance. E. 309, 4. In The answer of the As- sembly , E. 506, u, this is said to have been dated Oct. 22, but see The Minutes of . . . . the Westminster Assembly , 148, where it is mentioned at the end of the sitting of the I3th. 8 See vol. ii. p. 30. 1645 A DEMAND FOR TOLERATION. n science. They ' expressed themselves,' as Baillie sadly wrote, ' for toleration, not only to themselves, but to other sects.' 1 This audacious demand roused the London citizens. On the 1 9th, by order of the Common Council, a batch of petitions was laid before the Houses. They asked London ' for certain amendments in the Ordinance on Church Government, and especially that care might be taken for the maintenance of unity by the establishment of Presby- terian discipline. The Commons replied in a somewhat surly tone. The answer of the Lords was far more sympathetic. - The two views of Puritan ecclesiastical development were at last brought face to face. As long as the war lasted it would manifestly be impossible to bring so grave a question to an issue, and it was hard to see No v. I3 . how the war could be brought speedily to an end the e sur nof without the assistance of the Scottish army. On northern^* 1 ' November 13, therefore, the Houses postponed till fortresses March the date at which their irritating demand for postponed. the surrender of the northern fortresses was to be Newark 27 ' complied with. 3 They were rewarded by knowing ted ' that Leven's army had moved southwards. Before the end of November the Scots took up their quarters on the north side of Newark, whilst Poyntz completed the investment on the south. 4 If the Scots were to be satisfied, more would be needed than an abandonment for a time of an offensive proposal. On November 24 their commissioners again pressed Dema V nd 2 s 4 of for supplies for their army, for the settlement of religion, and for a speedy consideration of the terms to be offered to the King. 5 To settle religion, as matters stood, was plainly impossible ; but, at least, the Peace pro- . . . 1-11 positions to farce of preparing peace propositions which the King was certain to reject could be gone through, and for some weeks the Commons were hard at work on the 1 L.J. vii. 679 ; C.J. iv. 338, 342 ; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 242 ; Baillie, ii. 326. 2 C.J. iv. 348 ; L.J. vii. 713. C.J. iv. 341. 4 Ibid. 362. 5 L.J. viii. 9. 12 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvin. well-worn task. The categories of delinquency were extended, and a demand was inserted that Essex, Northum- ' berland, Warwick, and Pembroke should receive dukedoms, that Manchester and Salisbury should 5 ' become marquises, Robartes, Say and Sele, Whar- ton, Willoughby of Parham, and the elder Fairfax earls. At the same time Holies was to be created a viscount, and Cromwell, the elder Vane, and Sir Thomas Fairfax were to be raised to the peerage as barons. Sir Thomas was to have 5,ooo/. a year, Cromwell and Waller 2,5007., Hazlerigg and Stapleton 2,ooo/. apiece, Brereton i,5oo/., and Skippon i,ooo/. Evidently the House was bent on making no distinction be- tween Presbyterians and Independents in this distribution of honours and rewards. 1 Even before these impossible terms of peace were dis- cussed in the House of Commons, the Scottish commissioners Nov learnt that the Independents were secretly negotiat- A secret i n g w ith the King on far different conditions. The negotiation _ . , . between the Independents, it seemed, were ready to make over the'fnde- to the King the New Model army and the fortresses nts ' in its possession if he would ultimately allow them to retreat to Ireland, and to enjoy there the liberty of worship which they would be the first to refuse to the Irish Catholics. 2 The knowledge of this negotiation made the Scots all the more anxious to learn the result of Moray's mission to the sh-R Queen. When at last the news arrived, a little Moray's before the end of November, it was far from being as satisfactory as they had hoped. For some time the Queen had obstinately refused to give any support to the establishment of Presbyterianism, and though she ultimately gave way before Mazarin's entreaties so far as to promise to write to the King in favour of the Scottish demands, it was only on condition that Moray should not be told of her promise. 3 1 C.J. iv. 359. - Montreuil to Mazarin, Nov. ||. Arch, des Aff. trangeres, li. fol. 356. 3 Montreuil to Mazarin, Nov. fg ; Mazarin to Montreuil, ^^ ; Moray to the Scottish commissioners. Copied ^f , written about a fortnight earlier. Arch, des Aff. Etrantfres, li. fol. 359, 364, 369. 1645 RINUCCINPS MISSION. 13 It is probable that the grounds of the Queen's disinclina- tion to accept Moray's overtures are to be found in the eager- Reasons of ness w i tn which she had for some months been djsiniuna"' 8 seeking for help from the Continental Catholics on t l oTerms C with behalf of the Catholics in England. The Pope now the Scots. on the throne was no longer Urban VIII., who during a long pontificate had striven to advance the interests of his Church by a politic moderation. Innocent X. had Sept. T v been chosen as his successor in September 1644. innocent x. Though Innocent was a slave to his sister, and his own household a prey to disorder, yet in dealing with the outer world he showed conspicuous firmness of a kind which, for want of knowledge of the ways of men, was likely to prove more disastrous to the causes which he advocated than to those which he opposed. He was a fair type of the adminis- trative ecclesiastic, without spiritual aspirations or priestly subtlety. 1 In the winter succeeding his election the new Pope re- ceived Bellings, the secretary of the Irish Confederate Catho- lics, who had come to solicit help in money. Much Beiiings'in to the surprise of Bellings, Innocent resolved to send a representative to Ireland, who would act directly in his name, and would give him information on the state of affairs uninfluenced by Irish parties. Early RinuccinVV in March he announced that he had chosen Rinuc- cini, Archbishop of Fermo, to be his Nuncio in Ireland. Rinuccini was a churchman of resolute character, with a power of bending others to his will which would stand him in good stead in Ireland if his inflexibility did not drive from his side those whom it was to his interest to gain. In He reaches May he arrived in Paris, bringing with him a store of money from Rome, which he hoped to increase with the help of a contribution from Mazarin. It was long before he could obtain a favourable answer from the Cardinal. The Pope had already given grave offence to Mazarin by his 1 Visitors to the Loan Exhibition of 1886-7 will not be likely to for- get the marvellous portrait of this Pope by Velasquez. I4 A DIPLOMA TIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvin. leaning to the Spaniards, and the French statesman was probably anxious to know the issue of the conflict in England before committing himself even in secret to a decided policy. The Nuncio therefore found the summer months slipping away whilst his purpose was still uneffected. Between him and the Queen of England there soon sprang up and'the 1 " 1 that feeling of tacit hostility which shows itself clearly beneath the veil of outward courtesy. Ri- nuccini wished to advance the authority of the Papal See, without caring whether Charles remained a king or no. Henrietta Maria wanted tp combine her pious devotion to her Church with a vigorous effort on behalf of her husband and herself. She was unable even to receive a visit from She cannot the Archbishop, as he refused to visit her except in the state of a Nuncio, and she knew well that his appearance in her presence in such a guise would compromise her in the eyes of all Protestant Englishmen. The Nuncio, on his part, was glad to avoid the visit which he pretended to desire, as he feared lest he should be wheedled out of some promise which he might find it inconvenient to fulfil when he Aug is arrived in Ireland. At last, on August 15, Mazarin Jivethhn ave mm 2 5> 000 cr owns and shipping for transport. shipping The Cardinal had probably no desire to waste his and money. . T J energies in Ireland, but it was important to him to keep a hold on the affections of the people, if it were only to prevent them from falling under the influence of the King of Spain. 1 Rinuccini had thus been delayed in France for many weeks by his negotiations with Mazarin. Though it was evi- dent that when he arrived in Ireland he would not be eager to work in the interests of Charles, the Queen had not lost hope of winning the Pope to her side. At the beginning of the summer she had at last despatched Sir Kenelm Digby to June. Rome to negotiate for an advance of money on her sir S Kenehn own behalf, and on behalf of the mixed committee of English and Irish Catholics which met at Paris. 2 On his arrival at Rome he was full of hope that his request 1 Rinuccini, Nunziatura, 7-47. -' See vol. ii. p. 170. 1 645 SfK KENELM DIGBY AT ROME. 15 for pecuniary assistance would be shortly granted. For a moment his torrent of words appeared to carry everything before it. Innocent himself declared that the Englishman spoke not merely as a Catholic, but as an ecclesiastic. Rome, however, had not so lost her cunning as to be carried away by the promises of a sanguine enthusiast who gave glib assurances that, if Charles owed his success to Catholic aid, the hearts ot the King and of his chief supporters would return to the one fold and the one shepherd. Digby was asked what warrant he had to produce from the King. As soon as it appeared that he had none to show, cold looks convinced him that his mission was likely to fail. The paper on which he had couched his demands was forwarded to Paris for Rinuccini's criticism, and the utmost that he could obtain was an order for 20,000 crowns, to be spent in munitions of war. 1 In the beginning of the winter Henrietta Maria had still hopes of Digby's success. She continued to correspond with Nov . the French Catholics who had talked of supporting ho h p e e ?from s foreign troops in England, and she thought it pos- France. <;fo\z t h at Mazarin might be induced, now that the troops of the continental powers had retired into winter quarters, to lend her some soldiers from the French army itself. 2 It must have been therefore a severe wrench to her mind to have to apply herself to a project for establishing Presbyterianism in England, especially as she knew well that she would be favouring the system which was of all others the most hostile to a Catholic propaganda. Half-hearted as the Queen's support was, the Scots in London and their English Presbyterian allies could not afford Oct. to reject it. Knowing that Charles was already en- g a g e ^ m a negotiation with the Independents, their ^ ears mcnne( i them to regard that negotiation as dents. more serious than it really was. Generous as were the offers which the Independents were making, it is un- likely that Charles would have responded to them at all but for 1 Rinuccini, Nunziatura^ 32,445,446; Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 856. 2 The Queen to the Duke of Orleans, Nov. ? A. 0. Transcripts. 16 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvin. the pressure put upon him by his own partisans. Yet before the end of October, whilst he was still at Newark, he had vavasour's authorised a Royalist officer, Sir William Vavasour, mission. to surre nder himself a prisoner in order that he might discuss terms of peace with the leading Independents. When the King reached Oxford, however, little belief was entertained of his intention to accept a peace. In vain did Dorset, Southampton, Hertford, and Lindsey conjure him to put an end to the miserable war. He answered fiercely that he would place the crown on his head, and would defend it with his own sword, if the swords of his friends failed him. If, as there is little doubt, the terms offered by the Independents were known in Oxford, as they were known to Montreuil in London, it is easy to understand the irritating effect produced by the King's words upon men who would have been delighted to find peace thrown in their way without the necessity of bow- ing their necks under the Presbyterian yoke. Unless Mon- Nov treuil was misinformed, the Independents offered Terms before the end of November to allow the King to offered by . " & the inde- regulate matters of religion m concurrence with his Parliament after his return to Westminster, and to leave at his disposal half the places of authority in the realm. They asked in return that after the army had conquered Ire- land he would establish Independency there, and tolerate it in England. 1 If the Parliament threw any difficulty in the way of this arrangement, the army would place itself at the King's Nov . disposal and force it to give way. 2 So incensed were agSth 1 ? the earls at Charles's rejection of these proposals, Kin s- that they sent to Westminster offering to deliver up the King on the sole condition that their own properties might be secured to them. 1 This has passed through the mind of a Frenchman, but it probably means that neither the Roman Catholic nor the Presbyterian organisation was to be allowed to exist in Ireland, if indeed the contrast between establishment and toleration is more than a flourish. 2 "J'en ai apris ces particularitez qu'ils offrent audit Roy, de luy laisser regler les choses de la Religion quand il sera de retour en son Parlement, de luy donner la disposition de la moitie des gouvernerrens et 1645 A SUSPICIOUS NEGOTIATION. 17 In some way or another the plot became known to Vava- sour, who at once sent information of it to Charles. 1 On Dec. December 5, accordingly, the King, anxious to dis- informed 18 arm tms dangerous opposition in his own camp, ofit, wrote to Westminster and proposed that the Houses an ii. 589. 1645 CHARLES AND THE SCOTS. 21 were profuse in expressions of devotion. On December 13 Charles received from Lord Sinclair and David Leslie a direct Charles invitation to the Scottish camp. Yet, if Charles was from s th"e uch to bend the Scots to his will, it was necessary for scots. him to visit Westminster that he might employ his powers of persuasion with the Scottish commissioners there. Dec is He therefore on the i5th repeated his request for a He urges safe-conduct for the persons whom he proposed to the Houses tonego- send to prepare the way for his own visit. 1 His diplomacy seemed likely to be wrecked on the incur- MUdma/s able distrust which he had awakened on every side. speech. Q n t h e j^ Mildmay expressed the feeling which prevailed in the House of Commons. Their affairs, he said, were now in good condition. Let them keep the advantages which they had gained, and renounce all further treaties. Dec. Balmerino, one 'of the Scottish commissioners, almost HnoT" at the same time declared his belief that the King's doubts. overtures to them were only made in order to induce the Independents to bring their negotiation to a satisfactory end. 2 Yet neither the English Parliament nor the Scottish commissioners liked to announce openly that a breach was unavoidable, and during the greater part of December a warm discussion was carried on between these two bodies. In the Proposed course of the dispute the Scots urged that the pro- negotiation, posed negotiation should be so conducted as to make it comparatively easy for the King to accept the terms offered him, whilst the English wished the proposals to be made as unacceptable as possible. The time was rapidly approaching when Charles would have no course open to him but submission to the conquerors. One fortified post after another was falling into the Hereford' hands of his enemies. On December 17 the im- portant city of Hereford was surprised by Morgan and Birch, 3 and Charles's project of sending his second son 1 L.J. viii. 46. 2 Montreuil to Mazarin, Dec. if. Arch, des Aff. Etrangtres, li. fol. 411. 3 Several Letters. E. 313, 17. 22 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvin. to Ireland l had of necessity to be abandoned. Chester was strictly blocked up, and except in the improbable contingency Chester of the landing of an Irish army to relieve it, it could Newark not ^old out muc ^ longer. The surrender of blocked up. Newark was a mere question of time unless Charles could induce the Scots to come round to his side. At last, on December 23, the Houses, with the assent of the Scots, positively refused to admit the King's commissioners to Westminster. They were busy, they said, in pre- Dec. 23. J . . . V -, i Answer of paring terms of peace, which would be presented to him as soon as they were ready. 2 Before this answer reached Charles he, had despatched, as he had previously Dec. 26. planned, a fresh letter, in which he offered to come JropSs t> m person to Westminster for forty days, if security come to were given that at the end of that period he might ster, retire to Worcester, Newark, or Oxford. He also sketched out a plan for dealing with the militia, and on Dec. 29. the 29th he further offered to give satisfaction fur d t kes about Ireland and the public debt. Up to this offers. t i me he had not spoken a word upon the subject of religion. 3 Montreuil perceived that if his scheme was not to break down altogether, it would be necessary to appeal in person to Charles. Already there had been signs of a diver- Montreuil . . J resolves to gency of opinion between the Scots and their Eng- lish Presbyterian allies. Before Christmas Balmerino had been growing impatient because the King did not throw himself, without further question, into the Scottish army, whilst Holland, who had been deeply irritated at the refusal of the House of Commons to grant him i,ooo/. a year in compensa- tion for the losses which he declared himself to have suffered in their cause, talked of effecting a Royalist rising in the City if only Charles could be brought in safety to Westminster. 4 On January 2 Montreuil arrived at Oxford to urge Charles 1 See p. 1 8. ' L.J. viii. 64. 3 Ibid. viii. 72. 4 C./. iv. 380 ; Montreuil to Mazarin, ^ ^ Arch, des Aff. Etrangtres, Hi. 9. 1646 MONTREUIL AT OXFORD. 23 to accept the proposals which he was now commissioned to i6 6 lay before him on behalf of the Scots. Charles was Mo J n a treu7i to acce P t tne propositions rejected by him at Ux- at Oxford, bridge, and then to betake himself to the army Jan. 3. before Newark. In his reply, the King compared Scottish* favourably the zeal of the Scots for his person with befor^the the resolution of the Independents to place the King. monarchy in bonds, but he would hear nothing of an arrangement which would virtually establish Presbyterianism in the Church of England. He would, he said, lose refuses to his crown rather than his soul. He was, however, quite ready to go to Leven's army if the Scots would sm * engage themselves for his safety, and if the Queen Regent of France and Mazarin would give security for the fulfilment of that engagement. Of Montrose he spoke with unqualified praise. " From henceforth," he said, " I place Montrose amongst my children, and mean to live with him as a friend, and not as a king." A further conversation gave Montreuil the key to Charles's readiness to trust himself to the Scots, whilst refusing the con- jan. 4 . cession which they most eagerly demanded. He ^further f oun d him convinced that the Scottish negotiators tion - had no conscientious motives in urging the estab- lishment of Presbyterianism in England, and that they merely wanted the security of the bishops' lands for the payment of their own arrears, or at the most were afraid lest, if bishops were re-established in England, they would be re-established in Scotland as well. To meet the second difficulty he pro- posed to offer the security of the French Government for the maintenance of the existing church government in the Northern kingdom. With respect to the first, he offered to the Scots lands in Ireland in place of church property in England. How far this proposal would affect the negotiation which he was still carrying on with the Confederate Catholics, he probably did not care to inquire. Stubborn as Charles was, he at last discovered that some concession must be made to the religious feeling which even the Scots might be supposed to possess. The restored Church 24 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvin. of England, he told Montreuil on the 5th, should grant tolera- tion to English Presbyterians and to Scottish visitors. He Jan . 5> had, in fact, rightly discerned that the Scottish no bl es were not entirely dominated by religious enthusiasm : but he had failed to understand that Presby- ' they were anxious to see a Presbyterian Church established in England because such a Church would be not only through its system friendly to Scotland, but would, from its very weakness, be driven to seek support in Edinburgh. When Montreuil returned to Westminster he found that the reception of Charles's proposals was even worse than he Reception had expected. 1 The Scottish commissioners had poiiby ro " recently been joined by Lauderdale, and Lauder- the Scots. dale, keen of vision and firm of purpose, was not likely to favour the acceptance of a mere toleration for Presby- terians, which would allow a restored Cavalier England to grow up and hold out a hand to the Royalist nobility of Scotland. If Charles failed to conciliate the Scots, he also failed to conciliate the English Parliament. On January 3 the House agreed to a further answer to Charles's proposal to ?rlwnu come to Westminster. "Concerning the personal treaty desired by your Majesty," they declared, p^Tal to pr "there being so much innocent blood of your good wSmin- subjects shed in this war by your Majesty's com- mands and commissions ; Irish rebels brought over into both kingdoms, and endeavours to bring over more to both of them, as also forces from foreign parts, and the Prince at the head of an army in the West, divers towns made garrisons and kept by your Majesty against the Parliament of England, there being also forces in Scotland against that Parliament and kingdom by your Majesty's commission ; the war in Ireland fomented and prolonged by your Majesty, whereby the three kingdoms are brought to utter ruin and destruction ; we conceive that, until satisfaction and security 1 Montreuil to Mazarin, Jan. T 5 ^, Arch, des Aff. Rtrangeres, lii. fol. 45 ; The King to the Queen, Jan. 8, Charles I. in 1646 (Camden Soc.), 3. 1646 THE KIN&S OFFERS. 25 be first given to both your kingdoms, your Majesty's coming hither cannot be convenient or by us consented to." To accept the propositions which would shortly be despatched to him would 'be the only means' to give satisfaction. 1 To the last phrase the Scottish commissioners, who had another project of their own, took exception, and it was only after it had been somewhat toned down that they consented to the Jan. 13. despatch of the reply. It was not till January 1 3 s T entt r o ply that 'this reply was at last sent off. 2 Even then it Charles. must have been offensive enough to Charles. It refused to admit to the position of a constitutional king one who had been a promoter of foreign invasion. Charles had no conception of the injury done to his cause by these foreign entanglements. On January 10, in a letter to jan 10 ^ e Drench Agent, he had committed to writing the The king's concessions which he was prepared to make to overture to the Scots. The religious disputes in England were to be composed by a national synod, which, although some Scottish divines were to be admitted to it, would certainly be a very different body from the existing Westminster As- sembly. Toleration was to be accorded to the Presbyterians. Charles was the more confident that he would carry his point, because he was aware that the Presbyterian system adopted by the House of Commons did not altogether tally with that which existed in Scotland, and he seems to have fancied that the Scots would therefore be disinclined to press for the luke- warm system which found favour with the English Parliament. How little he knew of the motives which influenced the Scot- tish N nobility was, however, clear from the words in which he pressed for their union with the man of whom they were most jealous. " Lastly," he wrote, " concerning the Marquis of Montrose, his Majesty's resolution is that he and his party shall be received into this conjunction with all possible freedom and honour without any reservation." 3 Whatever the Scottish commissioners might be induced to say, their countrymen in Scotland had set their minds in a very 1 L.J. viii. 8 1. 2 Ibid. viii. 91, 99. 3 The King to Montreuil, Jan. 10. Clar. St. P. ii. 209. 2 6 A DIPLOMA TIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvin. different direction. Sitting at St. Andrews amidst the howls of the Kirk for blood, the Scottish Parliament opened its pro- ceedings on December 23 by ordering that all Irish NOV. 26. captives still remaining in prison should be put to mentat St. death without form of trial. 1 On January 16 they condemned to death Nathaniel Gordon, William Murray, Andrew Guthry, and Sir Robert Spottis- jan 4<5 i6. woode, the latter being the brother of the Arch- MomSSe's" bishop, and guilty of having, as Charles's Secretary followers. o f State, prepared Montrose's commission, and of having brought it down to Scotland. Every one of these had been admitted to quarter after Philiphaugh, and Spot- tiswoode could plead that he had taken no part in opera- tions of war. On the 2oth three of the number Three' 2C Gordon, Guthry, and Spottis woode were executed. Murray received a respite, as his brother, the Earl of Tullybardine, pleaded for his life on the ground of his youth, and even alleged him to be insane. The appeal for mercy was, however, rejected, and on the 22nd the young Mu??ay 22 ' Murray followed his comrades to the scaffold, claim- ing it as his highest honour to die for a king who was the father of his country. Lord Ogilvy escaped, but not through the mercy of the Covenanters. He owed his life, as many another has done, to Ogiivy's the brave devotion of a woman. His mother, his escape. wife, and his sister were permitted to visit him in prison. When the time for parting came, the keepers con- ducted, as they supposed, three weeping ladies from the cell. One of these figures was that of young Ogilvy himself, whose sister had exchanged clothes with him, and had taken his place in bed. 2 Ignorant of the doom impending over his loyal subjects at St. Andrews, Charles, having prepared the way by his com- munications with the Scottish commissioners, addressed him- self for the first time on January 15 to the English Parliament 1 Balfour, Hist. Works, iii. 341. 2 Ibid. iii. 358 ; Wishart, ch. xix. 1646 AN INSIDIOUS OFFER. 27 on the subject of religion. The government of the Church, he now openly said, was to be restored to its condition in the happy times of Elizabeth and James, but there Charles's was to be * full liberty for the ease of their con- offers tO 1-11 Parliament sciences who will not communicate in that service established by law, and likewise for the free and public use of the Directory prescribed, and by command of the two Houses now practised in some parts of the City of London.' With respect to Ireland and the militia, he would endeavour to give satisfaction. 1 It looked as if Charles was really working himself round to that principle of toleration through which the difficulties of the Jan. 18. time ultimately received their solution ; but even if natLmto*" tne Houses had been at all ready to accept his pro- the Queen, posal, his diplomacy was too crooked to achieve success. "For Ireland and the militia," he wrote to the Queen, "it is true that it may be I give them leave to hope for more than I intended, but my words are only to ' endeavour to give them satisfaction in either.' . . . Now, as to the fruits which I expected by my treaty at London. Knowing assuredly the great animosity which is betwixt the Independents and Presbyterians, I had great reason to hope that one of the factions would so address themselves to me that I might with- out difficulty obtain my so just ends, and questionless it would have given me the fittest opportunity for considering the Scots' treaty that would be ; besides, I might have found means to have put distractions among them, though I have found none." 2 Charles's method of proceeding had been condemned in advance by Montreuil. On the i5th the Frenchman had Jan. 15. warned him not to play with the Scots. They would s be content, he wrote, with nothing short of the three propositions of Uxbridge, implying the establishment of Presbyterianism, the abandonment of Ireland, and the 1 The King to the Speaker of the House of Lords, Jan. 15. L.J viii. 103. 2 The King to the Queen, Jan. 18. Charles L in 1646. 11. 28 A DIPLOMATIC TANGLE. CH. xxxvm. appointment of Parliamentary commissioners permanently to control the militia, with the assistance of Scottish commis- sioners not exceeding a third part of their number. As for Charles's expectation that the Scots would quarrel with the English because their Presbyterian ism was too Erastian, Mont- reuil besought him to put that notion aside. Both the Scots and the City had already expressed their approbation of the system adopted by Parliament, and Charles's only chance of safety lay in his acceptance of that which had been adopted at Westminster. ! The Scottish laity wanted, in short, to be assured that England would be governed by persons whom they could The temper trust, not that its Church should assume the exact andrflh? 8 ' ^ orm wmcn might satisfy Henderson or Baillie. c "y- Presbyterian as the City was, it was quite content with Parliamentary Presbyterianism, and was not likely to quarrel with the House of Commons in order to set Epi- scopacy on its feet again. In a petition presented to the House of Commons on the i5th, the City de- The^City' petition against I clared against any sort of toleration. The existing I state of things was declared to be unbearable. Private meetings for religious worship were constantly held. In one parish there were as many as eleven. Godly ministers were evil spoken of, and their discipline was compared to that of the prelates. Women and other ignorant persons were allowed to preach. Superstition, heresy, and profaneness were increasing. Families were divided and God was dishonoured. The Commons, Independent on questions of policy, but Pres- byterian on questions of religion, heard and approved. 2 It was evident that Charles had addressed himself to the wrong persons in seeking Presbyterian support for a scheme of tolera- tionist Episcopacy. 1 Montreuil to the King, Jan. 15. Clar. St. P. ii. 211. 2 Petition of the City. L.J. viii. 104. Though the elections of the preceding December had undoubtedly strengthened the anti-tolerationists, they had made no thorough change in the predominant party in the City, as the November petitions (see p. n) had been couched in similar terms. 1646 A SECRET DISCLOSED. 29 On the 1 6th the King's proposal fora religious compromise Jan. 16. was rea d in the Houses. It was nearly certain to be rejected in any case ; but on the same day news arrived which seemed to make all further negotiation with the King impossible. The secret of Glamorgan's mission was at last disclosed. CHAPTER XXXIX. GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINI IN IRELAND. EARLY in August Glamorgan landed in Dublin. He came, there can be little doubt, to smooth away the difficulties in the 1645. wa Y f Ormond's negotiation, and to induce the August. Confederates to content themselves with the repeal Glamorgan r in Ireland. o f the penal laws, instead of asking for the additional repeal of the statutes which threw obstacles in the way of the exercise of Papal jurisdiction in Ireland. When Glamorgan arrived he found the situation greatly changed. It is possible that Charles's unwise instruction to Ormond to keep back the secret of the permission given him to promise the repeal of the penal laws l had weakened the hands of the moderate party at Kilkenny. At all events, the Irish clergy were already asking Ma for much more than that. On May 31 they had The Irish pronounced emphatically against any peace which clergy refuse ... J , . to abandon did not leave in their hands all the churches at that time in their possession, and by implication all the property of those churches as well, a concession which would have surrendered to them almost all the ecclesiastical property Tune existing in Ireland. On June 9 the General As- Concurrence sembly expressed its concurrence with this resolu- of the Gene- . J . raiAssem- tion, with some formal modifications, and when on the 1 3th the Agents of the Confederates received Re J sum P t?on autnor ity to reopen the negotiation with Ormond, tk>ns S tia ~ t ^ ev can> i e d w i tn them instructions to stand firm on this point, as well as on that of the absolute libera- tion of the Catholics from all ecclesiastical jurisdiction except 1 See vol. ii. p. 174. 1645 A FRUITLESS NEGOTIATION. 31 that derived from the Pope. 1 The negotiations were reopened on the i Qth, and were carried on at Dublin during the follow- ing weeks. To the Confederates peace was in every way desirable. In the middle of July it was known in Dublin that Monro with July the Scots and their English allies had pressed on through Ulster, had stormed Sligo on the 8th, and massacre( i not on ly tne ^^ garrison, but the March 10 Surrender' women and children as well. 2 It was true that in of Duncan- _, , , _ .. ._-. . - non. the South the fort of Duncannon, important from its Castiehaven command of the entrance to the harbour of Water- in Munster. ^^ ^^ ^ Q ^ reduced by Preston on March 19,2 and that Lord Castiehaven, at the head of 5,000 foot and 800 horse, had been subsequently carrying on a successful cam- Financiai P a ig n m Munster. 4 Castiehaven, however, was distress. calling aloud for money, and money was hard to find. It was, indeed, known that, though the mission of Bellings had failed, 5 Rinuccini, when he arrived, would bring with him a certain amount of supplies, but, unless he arrived soon, it would be difficult to hold out. Dangerous as their situation was, the Irish Agents refused to give way on the two points now at issue. With them it was A fruitless a point of honour not to surrender churches which negotiation. ^ a d a i rea jy b een restored to Catholic worship, and, though Ormond asserted that the King demanded no more than a theoretical acknowledgment of his jurisdiction, he was reminded that the Protestant clergy put forward a practical claim to the power of the keys, carrying with it the right of excommunication and absolution, a right the exercise of which was followed by civil consequences. 6 Nor was it likely to 1 Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 688-7o8b. 2 Scarampi to __ , July 14, Ibid. fol. ;o8b ; Captain Dillon to Sir Ulick Bourke, Carte MSS. xv. fol. 238. 3 Examinations on the siege of Duncannon Fort. Gilbert's Hist, of the Irish Confederation, iv. 210. 4 Castiehaven to the Supreme Council, June 17; Castiehaven to the Mayor of Limerick, June 17. Ibid. iv. 281, 286. 5 See p. 13. 6 Negotiations in Gilbert's Hist, of the Irish Confederation, iv. 289, 309. See also Carte MSS. xv. fol. 198-315. 32 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. XXXIX. conduce to the success of the negotiation that Ormond, con- ceiving himself still bound by the King's instructions, persisted in keeping secret Charles's readiness to assent to the repeal of the penal laws. ] Under these circumstances Glamorgan, as long as he con- tinued to act in conformity with Ormond's wishes, could not possibly be of any service to his master. He was GiamS^an's confronted with the difficulties of a situation for which nothing in his instructions had prepared him. The question about the churches had arisen since he had had an opportunity of speaking with Charles, or even of receiving written directions from him. For some time Glamorgan did his best to tide over the difficulties. As long as he remained with Ormond, he kept within his instructions, consulting as opportunity Interruption ..,_._. _ ' ofthenego- arose with the Lord Lieutenant. It was not, how- ever, long before he was called upon to act on his own judgment. There was to be a meeting of the General Assembly at Kilkenny on August 7, and the Agents of the Confederates left Dublin to attend it. In order that the thread of the negotiations might not be dropped, Glamorgan was Aug. ii. directed to follow them, and on August n he set goeTtolSi- out on ms journey, hoping that he might succeed in kenny. inducing the Confederates to abandon their preten- sions. The letter which he carried to them from Ormond commended him to their confidence in the warmest possible terms. 2 Of discussions between Glamorgan and the Confederates during the first fortnight of his visit to Kilkenny we have no Glamorgan's record, and the motives which determined his action difficulties. can only be conjectured in the light of his sub- sequent proceedings. Yet it may safely be supposed that he was anxious to overcome the obstacle about the churches, and he may very well have reasoned with himself that it would be fit for him to spare the King by taking upon himself the responsibility of yielding. Though his instructions had im- 1 Fitzwilliam to Digby, July 16. Gilbert, iv., Ixii. '* Ormond to Muskerry, Aug. 11. Lord Leicester* s MS. fol. 7l7b. 1 64 5 GLAMORGAN^ TREATY. 33 plied that he was to place himself at Ormond's service, 1 he had, on the other hand, unlimited powers, and it can hardly be doing him wrong to hold that he thought very little of instructions which had been given him five months before under circumstances different from those which now embar- rassed him, 2 and very much of powers which authorised him to do almost anything he pleased. As a Catholic he would be little inclined to sympathise with Charles's scruples about the abandonment of churches which had once been in Protestant keeping, whilst he was most anxious to gather under his com- mand that Irish army which was to relieve his master from his difficulties in England, but of which not a man would ever be levied unless he could come to terms with the Confederates. If such thoughts passed through Glamorgan's mind, it is easy to understand the motives which induced him to sign on Aug. 25. August 25 a secret treaty with the Confederate ^snecfby Catholics in virtue of the powers granted to him in Glamorgan. fa Q preceding March. 3 In this treaty the grant of the free and public exercise of the Roman Catholic religion may perhaps be regarded as giving no more than Ormond was empowered to give, though in a more complete and definite manner. Two other concessions went far beyond anything to which Charles had consented. In the first place the Catholics were to enjoy all the churches which they had possessed at any time since the outbreak of the rebellion in Ulster, and all those apparently those which were lying vacant in conse quence of the war ' other than such as are now actually enjoyed by his Majesty's Protestant subjects.' In the second place all Roman Catholics were to be exempted from the jurisdiction of the Protestant clergy, and the Roman Catholic clergy were not to be molested ' for the exercise of their juris- diction over their respective Catholic flocks in matters spiritual 1 See vol. ii. p. 166. 2 The power on which Glamorgan acted was that of March 12. See my article in The English Historical Review for October 1887, to which I must again refer my readers for a more complete discussion of this question. 3 See vol. ii. p. 175. VOL. III. I> 34 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINI. CH. xxxix. and ecclesiastical ' ] a stipulation which left untouched the question how far the clergy themselves were subjected to the jurisdiction of the See of Rome. No doubt it was clearly stated that the jurisdiction of the clergy was to be confined to ' matters spiritual and ecclesiastical,' but there must be some authority to decide where the border line between civil and spiritual cases was to be traced, and it is hardly likely in the existing circumstances in Ireland that this authority would have been allowed to rest with the crown. That Glamorgan had secret instructions from Charles, empowering him to act as he did, is a notion which may be HadGia- promptly dismissed. Charles had not heard of crft an tne demand about the churches till after Glamorgan instructions? \^fa England. His first reference to it is in a letter to Ormond on July 31, and his reception of the proposal was not such as to give encouragement to Glamorgan's enterprise. Charles He was indeed ready to take one step in the direction in which the Irish Confederates wished to Catholics to d ra g him, and to allow the Catholics to build chapels. chapels for their worship wherever they were in a decided majority, but he absolutely refused to allow them the enjoyment of the existing churches. " I will rather choose," he declared, " to suffer all extremity than ever abandon my religion." 2 There is always something arbitrary in the selection of a limit to concession, but that limit had now been reached by Charles. It may possibly be said that Charles merely intended to conceal his real intentions from Ormond, and it may be Was Charles acknowledged that if his refusal to abandon the churches had been embodied in a proclamation or in a message to Parliament there would have been little reason to give credence to it. On the other hand, for Charles to use strong language on the subject to Ormond and at the same time to authorise Glamorgan to do that which was forbidden to Ormond would have been to pile up unnecessary difficulties 1 Cox, Hib. Anglicana, ii. XXVII. * The King to Ormond, July 31. Carte's Ormond, vi. 305. The original is in the possession of Mr. Alfred Morrison. 1645 GLAMORGAN'S MOTIVES. 35 against himself. Even if he had been unwilling to trust Ormond with his whole secret, if such a secret in reality ex- isted, he would at least have attempted to smooth the way for its subsequent revelation. The simplest explanation of the facts is here, as usual, undoubtedly the best. It was characteristic of Charles to shrink from the abandonment of the churches as equivalent to the abandonment of religion, and it was no less characteristic of Glamorgan to act on the spur of the moment, in accordance rather with his own wishes than with the wishes of his master. Contrast Ormond in similar circumstances would have written cSes" f r f resn instructions, but it may not unfairly be Glamorgan, p re sumed that Glamorgan neglected even the in- Ormond. structions which he had already received, and fixed his eyes solely on his powers. He was not, as Ormond was, a man of one devotion. Chivalrously loyal to Charles, he was even more chivalrously loyal to his Church. To save Charles for the sake of the Church was the great ambition of his life, and there was nothing in his scheming, impulsive, and most indiscreet mind to make it improbable that he resolved to save the Church on her own terms, and Charles in spite of his petty hesitations. He doubtless hoped to purchase Charles's con- donation of his disobedience by the levy of 10,000 Irish sol- diers for his service, as Raleigh had once hoped to purchase from Charles's father the condonation of a similar act of dis- obedience by a sample of gold from Guiana. Strong as is the evidence derived from Glamorgan's cha- racter in favour of the view that he acted without Charles's Glamorgan's knowledge, there exists evidence -more conclusive defeasance. still Qn the day after that on which he signed the main treaty he signed another document, which he called a defeasance, in which he declared that he had no intention of binding the King to any concession 'other than he himself shall please, after he hath received these ten thousand men, being a pledge and testimony' of the loyalty of his Irish subjects. This defeasance was, however, to be kept secret even from Charles till Glamorgan had done everything in his power to induce him to accept the treaty, and had failed to D 2 36 GLAMORGAN AND, RINUCCINL CH. xxxix. persuade him. Such a stipulation is the strongest possible evidence that Charles had yet to be converted partly, it would seem, by the presence of 10,000 Irish soldiers in Eng- land to Glamorgan's views on the point at issue. 1 It was hardly within the bounds of possibility that Gla- morgan's action should prove beneficial either to his master or to the Irish people ; but he was surely right in Glamorgan's thinking that if a military alliance was to be formed with the Confederates, it could only be by the acceptance of their own terms. It was childish to expect to gain the hearty co-operation of the Irish if their Church was to be maintained in the position of a merely tolerated sect, the organisation of which was in constant danger of a sudden application of the Statutes of Appeals and Prsemunire ; and if the ecclesiastical lands and buildings set apart for religious use by their ancestors, and now recovered after a deprivation of less than a century, were to be forcibly torn from them, and restored to the professors of an alien creed from whom they had nothing but persecution to expect. As Glamorgan, at all events, had still to force the hand of Charles, he could not venture to mention what had been done until he could emphasise his words by his appearance in England at the head of an Irish army. Whether such an army would really be entrusted to him might reasonably be doubted. It was significant that Scarampi looked Scarampi . . . , . . ,-,, i i distrusts on mm with grave suspicion, holding that the powers Glamorgan, g^b^ed by him did not give him sufficient autho- rity to conclude the treaty, and that Charles, if he were so minded, would have no difficulty in disavowing his agent. 2 It had indeed been arranged that the negotiation with The negotia- tion with Ormond should be continued, in the hope that he be carried might be induced to make the required concessions in a regular way, and it is not unlikely that Gla- morgan at first thought it possible to carry Ormond with him. The Supreme Council proceeded at once to test the value Cox, Hib. Anglicana, ii. App. XXVII. 2 Panfilio to Rinuccini, ^. Nunziatura, 458. ,1645. AN IRISH CONTINGENT. 37 of the new alliance which they had formed. On August 29 \u g 29 tne y P ro P ose d to combine their forces with those of The Ormond against the Scots in the North. 1 Finding Supreme ** Council that Ormond made no response, they betook them- forces to selves to Glamorgan. Glamorgan could not press )nd - Ormond to consent to the junction of forces, but on GisfmSgln September 9 he assured him that the General As- is assured sembly had agreed to give the 10,000 men of which that he shall J ? . i r take an army so much had been said, for service in England, and to England. , , , ., , . . that it was now proposed to resume the negotiation in Dublin. The Confederates, he added, hoped that Ormond would yield as much as possible, and would leave them to appeal to the King for the rest. Glamorgan had, in short, induced the Confederates to believe that they would get all that they wanted from Charles, and they were consequently ready to accept from Ormond such an instalment of their demands as he thought fit to give. To prevent Ormond from becoming aware of the real state of the case, Glamorgan pro- fessed entire ignorance of the requests which would now be made by the Agents of the Supreme Council. 2 For two months the discussion between Ormond and the Irish Agents was kept up in Dublin. Though Sept.-Nov. A useless Ormond was strongly urged to give way on points relating to religion, he refused to go a single inch beyond his instructions. 3 On November 20 Glamorgan, after visiting Dublin to take part in the debates, returned to Kilkenny. He found that the NOV 2c resolutions of the Confederates were shaping them- Ag^ement selves according to his wishes. The Supreme claln^gan Council agreed that, if Ormond refused to concede Supreme the articles relating to religion, the political ones Councih should be published alone, whilst those which had been agreed on with Glamorgan should be kept secret till they had received Charles's approval. They further promised that 1 The Supreme Council to Ormond, Aug. 29. Carte MSS. xv. fol. 526. 2 Glamorgan to Ormond, Sept. 9. Carte MSS. xv. fol. 580. 8 See the Carte MSS. passim from September to November. 38 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINI. CH. xxxix. the army of 10,000 men should be despatched under Gla- morgan's command without waiting for the King's acceptance of these articles. After he had landed with them so Glamorgan assured the Supreme Council upon oath not only would he make no use of them till the King's consent had been given, but, in the event of a refusal, he would either compel him to assent by force of arms or would be forced or bring the whole force back to Ireland. 1 In writing ted ' to Ormond Glamorgan not only gave no hint of this secret negotiation, but assured him with the most fulsome expressions of devotion that he was but carrying out the directions which he had received at Dublin. His precipitate zeal to effect Charles's objects in Ireland was already trans- forming itself into an eager desire to impose upon Charles by force of arms concessions which he was never likely voluntarily to make. 2 By this time Glamorgan had to count on another power in Ireland besides that of the Supreme Council. A new actor pet. ii. had appeared on the stage. On October n Rinuc- Rinucdni cini > the Pa P al Nuncio, 3 landed at Kenmare. 4 On at Kenmare, November 12 he entered Kilkenny amidst the andfat' "' applauses of SL shouting throng. 5 On his journey he Kilkenny. h a cl been struck by the hardihood and activity of pcttbnson tne men an d by the beauty and modesty of the the journey. wome n. The fecundity of the latter struck him with amazement. There were married couples, he related with 1 " II quale si e obligate di piu con suo giuramento avanti il Consiglio Supremo, che egli non imbarazzera la soldatesca predetta in alcuna fazione, prima che il Re ratifichi ; e quando non lo volesse fare, che egli lo con- stringera con quelle forze, o vero rimettera nelF Ibernia tutti i 10,000 soldati." Rinuccini to Panfilio, Dec. 23. Nunziatura, 76. 2 Glamorgan to Ormond, Nov. 28. Carte MSS. xvi. fol. 264. 3 See p. 13. 4 Rinuccini to Panfilio, Oct. |f . Nunziatura, 63. This letter is dated Oct. 25, 'stile nuovo d'Ibernia,' which is unintelligible. In the Latin translation in Lord Leicester's MS. we have ' stylo novo, nam imposterum ad alterum, quo in hac patria utuntur, me semper accommodabo,' an indication useful in dating subsequent letters. 5 Nunziatura, 68-71 ; Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 93, 1,026. 1645 RINUCCINrs ATTITUDE. 39 surprise, which were blessed with no less than thirty children still living, whilst families of fifteen or twenty were so at least he had been told of common occurrence. 1 Glamorgan's first impression of the Nuncio was that he would throw no obstacles in his way. "Before Sunday night," NOV. 28. he wrote to the Lord Lieutenant on the 28th, "I am morally certain a total assent from the Nuncio shall t )e declared to the propositions for peace, and in the very way your Lordship prescribes." 2 The approbation of the Rinuccini's Nuncio was not so easily gained. He brought with character n j m a fi rm w jji an exclusive devotion to the interests and position. of his Church, coupled with a disability to enter into the feelings with which even Catholic laymen regarded ques- tions in which both ecclesiastical and political interests were involved. He held in contempt all projects aiming at the em- ployment of the resources of a Catholic country to buttress up the tottering throne of an heretical king. As he brought with him a considerable sum of money, as well as a large store of arms and munitions, he was able to speak with even more authority than he could derive simply from his position as representative of the Pope. Rinuccini was not long in discovering that a large number of the influential members of the Supreme Council were Rinuccini attached to Ormond by ties of affinity or dependence, and th i s~\ M referred to government. On these grounds the Council com- mitted Glamorgan to prison, and referred the whole matter to the King. 1 On January 16, before the despatches of the Irish Council reached Charles, copies of the incriminating documents had Jan. 16. been received at Westminster, having been for- ganSeatJ r war ded by some commissioners who had been sent WesT nat ky Parliament to Ulster to watch over English in- minster. terests in the North of Ireland. The Commons at once ordered them to be sent to the press, together with the papers which had been captured at Sherburn. 2 Some motives, however probably those of prudence held back the House from allowing the latter documents to be printed in accordance with this order, and for the present the Glamorgan mystery alone was unveiled to the public gaze. In the House itself sharp words were spoken against the person of the King. They had, it was said, the example of Sharp words earlier Parliaments, and they knew how kings had Charles 01 " been used by them in similar cases. At a meet- ing held by four or five of the Independent leaders it was resolved to give point to these words by agitating for the King's deposition. When that had been effected, the 1 Digby to Nicholas, Jan. 4, Rushw. vi. 240 ; Ormond and the Council to Nicholas, Jan. 5, Carte's Ormond, vi. 333 ; Glamorgan's examination, Carte MSS. xvi. fol. 341, 356. 2 C.J. iv. 408. 1646 CHARLES UNDER SUSPICION. 43 Prince of Wales was to be declared an enemy of the State, and the Duke of York summoned to present himself at Westmin- ster. In the probable case of his refusal the little Duke of Gloucester was to be crowned, and Northumberland declared Lord Protector of the realm. 1 It may seem strange, after all that had passed, that the Houses made no reply to an angry letter received on the i9th Charles asks from the King, 2 in which he demanded an imme- forarepiy. fa^ answer to his last communication. 3 Their silence was, perhaps, due to their wish to know their whole peril before further negotiation was attempted. It was not only from Ireland that they were threatened with danger. During Reports tne ^ ast weeks of the year the reports which the from France c omm ittee f Both Kingdoms derived from their agents in Paris, Robert Wright and Sir George Gerard, had been reassuring. The Queen, they were told, had been doing all that was in her power to engage the French court to assist her husband, but it did -not appear likely that as long as the war with the House of Austria lasted the Queen-Regent would be in a position to give serious aid. Mazarin would no doubt 1 " Et ce qui n'est pas moins secret qu'il est estrange que quatre ou cinq des chefs des Independants s'etant assembles vendredi dernier, ils arresterent qu'il falloit travailler promtement a la deposition du Roy de la Grande Bretagne, a quoy les lettres qu'ils avoyent de luy et sa decla- ration en faveur des Catholiques d'Irlande qui avoit ete lue le mesme jour au Parlement donneraient assez de sujet qu'on declareroit le Prince de Galles enemy de 1'Estat apres le refus qu'il auroit fait de poser les armes, qu'on sommeroit le Due d'York de venir au Parlement, et que n'aiant pas voulu obeir, on couronneroit le petit Due de Glocester et on feroit le Comte de Northumberland protecteur de ce Royaume. " Ce mesme jour diverses choses furent dittes dans la maison basse du Parlement qui ne s'eloignoient pas bien fort de cela, puisqu'il y en eut un qui remontra sur le sujet de cette declaration en faveur des Catholiques d'Irlande qu'ils avoient les examples des precedens parlemens, et qu'ils S9avoient comme on en avoit use envers d'autres Roys d'Angleterre dans de semblables rencontres. " Montreuil to Mazarin, y^F' Arch, des Aff. Etrangdres, lii. fol. 81. 2 The King to the Houses, Jan. 17. L.J. viii. 108. 3 See p. 29. 44 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCIN1. CH. xxxix. do his best to weaken England by a prolongation of the civil war, but this at least was no revelation at Westminster. 1 On January 17, however, far more startling news reached the Committee. Sir Kenelm Digby had returned to Paris upon the completion of his negotiation with the Pope. Th^Queen In the Queen's name so much at least had oozed tote helped out __ he had engaged that Charles should abolish dergy h the penal statutes in England as well as in Ireland, sir Kenelm I n consequence of the hopes thus raised, an assem- St y>s kty ^ t ^ ie Drench c l er gy> which was then in session, had offered 1,500,000 francs, or about 150,0007., for the French the expenses of an expedition which on the lowest computation was to consist of 5,000 foot and 2,000 horse, and was to be placed under the command of the Duke of Bouillon. Emery, a Frenchman of Italian origin, who had risen under Mazarin to be comptroller-general of finance, and who for the most part employed his ingenuity in contriving fresh means of wringing money out of the poor for the benefit of the treasury, 2 now posed as an enthusiastic devotee, and be- came the Queen's principal adviser in the matter. It was even The said that Henrietta Maria had offered to pledge the Siandfto Channel Islands and some towns in the West of be pledged. E n gi an( j t o those who would now come to her help. moniTi ^e was further hoping to get possession of her son, schemes. the Prince of Wales, and thinking of abandoning her project of marrying him to the daughter of the Prince of Orange, 3 in the hope of securing for him the hand of her niece, the daughter of the Duke of Orleans. The young lady, after- wards known as the Great Mademoiselle, was three years older than the Prince, but she would be one of the wealthiest brides in Europe. 4 1 Wright to St. John, Nov. || ; N. N., i.e. Sir G. Gerard, to S. G., Nov. 22 Nov. 29 ~, a^o i r i Dec. 2' Decry* Tanner MS S. Ix. fol. 339, 342, 344. 2 See Nouvelle Biogr. Glntrale, s. v. Particelli. The negotiation with the Prince of Orange was finally broken oft' in the following April. Goffe to the Prince of Orange, April 9. Groen. van Prinsterer, iv. 152. N. N. to S. G. Jan. ^. News from France read in the House, 1 646 THE SCOTS UNDER SUSPICION. 45 This intelligence, alarming as it was, fitted in too well with the news from Ireland to cause much surprise. Far more sur- prising was the revelation contained in other letters The Scots treaty re- from Wright, that the Scottish commissioners were treating through Will Murray with the Queen, and that they were ready, under certain conditions, to direct their army to ' do no service before Newark.' Though it is certain that the Scots were aiming at the establishment of Presby- terianism and not at the establishment of the Papal Church in England, their junction with the Queen and Mazarin, at a time when the forces of Papal France and Papal Ireland were sharpening all their weapons against England, may well have seemed to Englishmen to be treason of the deepest dye. The Scots at once perceived how the accusation was telling Protest of against them, and with unblushing effrontery they the Scots. 11-11111 11 . publicly declared that the charges were absolutely false from beginning to end. They then, with every expres- sion of injured innocence, called on the English Parliament to produce its informants in order that they might be compelled to answer for their calumnies. 1 The House of Commons was Jan. 29. not so easily misled. On the 29th it voted that the the'com- members of the Committee of Both Kingdoms who mons. had supplied the information had done no more than their duty, and directed the preparation of an answer to the Scottish protest. 2 Charles's disavowals were made in a different style, though at the bottom they were no less false. He was accustomed to Charles str i ve to gi ye as much as possible the semblance of disavows truth to what was in itself untrue. He now, writing ' from Oxford on the 29th, after he had had know- ledge of the publication of Glamorgan's treaty, assured the Houses : Jan. 29. Tanner MSS. Ix. fol. 362. Other letters from France, read on the 29th, were before the Committee on the i7th, and I have therefore supposed this to have been read there with them ; but the date is of no consequence. 1 The Scottish commissioners to the Speaker of the House of Lords, Jan. 24. L.J. viii. 122. 2 C.f. iv. 421. 46 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. xxxix. " That the Earl of Glamorgan, having made offer unto him to raise forces in the kingdom of Ireland, and to conduct them into England for his Majesty's service, had a commission to that purpose, and to that purpose only. " That he had no commission at all to treat of anything else without the privity and directions of the Lord Lieutenant, much less to capitulate anything concerning religion, or any propriety l belonging either to Church or laity." It can be no matter of surprise that Charles should have acknowledged what he could not help acknowledging, and should have sought to cast a discreet veil over that *o abandon which could yet be concealed. His really unpardon- able fault was that, after engaging in such a negotia- tion with the Irish Catholics, he should now have announced his ' resolution of leaving the managing of the business of Ire- land wholly to the Houses, and to make no peace there but with their consent.' 2 What sort of peace the Houses would establish in Ireland he knew full well. Rinuccini had looked into his heart and had estimated his motives to more purpose than Glamorgan. No wonder that the Houses declared themselves dissatis- fied. There was a talk of sending to the King a copy of the Feb. 2 . warrant on which Glamorgan had rested his authority, Simons anc ^ which, together with the treaty founded on it, had dissatisfied. f a ii en i n t o the hands of the Scots when the Arch- bishop of Tuam was slain ; 3 but in the end the proposal was allowed to drop, probably because those who made it felt that it was useless to continue the altercation. To Ormond Charles could not venture to prevaricate on the subject of Glamorgan's commission. He could not say to Jan. 3 o. him, as he had said to the Houses, that he had given Slabs to him no authority to treat without the Lord Lieu- Ormond, tenant's privity, but he was able to say, what in all probability was strictly true, that his intention had never been that Glamorgan should treat without Ormond's approbation, 1 i.e. property. -' L.J. viii. 132. 3 C.J. iv. 426. 1646 A LAME EXPLANATION. 47 much less without his knowledge. 1 In a public despatch to the Irish Council he allowed himself to cast doubts upon the genuineness of his warrant to Glamorgan 2 by speak- but throws ing of it as a credential which he might possibly have the ' given, whilst he permitted Nicholas at the same time to call attent i on to j ts defects as an official warrant. document. " Your Lordships," concluded the Secre- tary, "cannot but judge it to be at least surreptitiously gotten, if not worse ; for his Majesty saith he remembers it not." 3 Whatever he may have been to others Charles was always perfectly truthful in his letters to his wife. " It is taken for He ex granted," he wrote to her, " the Lord of Glamorgan plains to neither counterfeited my hand, nor that I have blamed him more than for not following his instruc- tions." 4 This may perhaps be accepted as the final verdict of history on the subject. It remained to be seen how Glamorgan would take his dis- avowal. It struck heavily on the ears of his aged father. " It Feb ? was the grief of his heart," complained Worcester to Worcester one who reached Raglan with a comforting message $" son's from Charles, " that he was enforced to say that the King was wavering and fickle, and that at his Majesty's last being there he lent him a book to read" Gower's Confessio Amantis 5 " the beginning of which he 1 The King to Ormond, Jan. 30. Carte's Ormond, v. 16. The one of March 12 is always intended. 3 The King to the Irish Council, Jan. 31 ; Nicholas to the Irish Council, Jan. 31. Carte's Ormond, vi. 347, 349. 4 The King to the Queen, March 22. Charles I. in 1646, 28. 5 That the book was Gower's appears from Bayly's Golden Apo- phthegms, p. 5. E. 184, 3. The lines referred to are, I suppose, those near the end of the Confessio Amantis (ed. Pauli), iii. 381 : "So were it good, that he" (i.e. the King) "therefore First unto rightwisnesse entend, Wherof that he himself amende Toward his God and leve vice, Which is the chefe of his office. And after all the remenaunt He shall upon his covenaunt 48 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINI. CH. xxxix. knows he read, but if he had ended it, it would have showed him what it was to be a fickle prince ; for was it not enough .... to suffer .... the Lord of Glamorgan to be unjustly imprisoned by the Lord Marquis of Ormond for what he had his Majesty's authority for, but that the King must in print protest against his proceedings, and his own allowance, and not yet recall it ; but I will pray for him, and that he may be the more constant to his friends." l However harshly Charles's conduct may be judged, he at least did not make a scapegoat of Glamorgan as Elizabeth did Glamorgan of Davison. In his public despatch, indeed, he seriously be directed tnat tne charge against him should be dili- prosecuted. gently prosecuted, 2 but in a private letter to Ormond he ordered that the execution of the sentence should be sus- pended till his pleasure was known. Glamorgan, he added, had sinned through misguided zeal rather than from malice. 3 Feb To Glamorgan himself he declared his whole mind. Charles ' " I must clearly tell you," he wrote on February *. assures him , , - '* both you and I have been abused in this business, for you have been drawn to consent to conditions much beyond your instructions, and your treaty hath been divulged to all the world. If you had advised with my Lord Lieutenant, as you promised me, all this had been helped ; but we must look forward. Wherefore, in a word, I have com- manded as much favour to be shown to you as may possibly stand with my service or safety ; and if you will trust my ad- vice, which I have commanded Digby to give you freely, I will bring you so off that you may be still useful to me, and I shall be able to recompense you for your affliction." 4 Governe and lede in such a wise So that there be no tirannise, Wherof that he his people greve. Or elles may he nought acheve That longeth to his regalie." 1 Narrative of Allan Boteler. Carte MSS. xxx. 307. 8 The King to Ormond and the Irish Council, Jan. 31. Carte's Qrmond) vi. 349. 1 The King to Ormond, Jan. 30. Ibid. v. 16. 4 The King to Glamorgan, Feb. 3. Dircks, 134. 1646 MISSION OF SIR K. DIG BY. 49 Before these lines were written Glamorgan had regained his freedom. He had made strong representations to Ormond Jan. 21. that the continuance of his imprisonment would be HbemST 1 of tne greatest disservice to the King, and on Janu- jan 2 arv 2 r h e was liberated on bail. 1 On the 24th he was at K.u rrives once more at Kilkenny, urging the Supreme Coun- kenny. cil to push on the political treaty with Ormond on which all parties were agreed, and to give him in all haste the 3,000 men needed for the relief of Chester. On the Jan. 29. ** The Su- 2Qth he was able to announce to Ormond that, as to council his first request, the Council was only waiting for ??Heve to the meeting of the General Assembly to be empow- Chester. ere( j ^ ft ^ Q conc } U( } e peace, and that, as to the second, the men would be ready to sail at a day's notice as soon as the treaty had been signed. 2 Meanwhile the Nuncio's doubts of the solidity of a peace concluded by anyone professing to act by the King's authority Attitude of had been intensified by Digby's denunciation of the Nundo. Glamorgan. It now seemed that the Earl, by acting as intermediary between Ormond and the Supreme Council, had basely deserted his alliance with himself, and might even be expected, if only he could receive the regiments which he needed, to treat a merely political undertaking as a sufficient satisfaction of the whole of the demands of Ireland. 3 Rinuccini was the more anxious to hinder any understanding with He Ormond, as before the end of January 4 he received the articles from Rome a copy of articles which had been pre- agreed on , . * i -r-^-i i -n. between sented to Sir Kenelm Digby in the Pope s name, andsTk. and he had thus learnt that the Queen's representa- tive had consented to terms which went far beyond not only anything that Ormond, but even anything that Gla- morgan, had hitherto been prepared to concede. The articles brought from Rome by Sir Kenelm were even 1 Glamorgan to Ormond, Jan. 10,20; Act of Council, Jan. 21. Carte MSS. xv. fol. 409, 449, 455. - Glamorgan to Ormond, Jan. 29. Carte MSS. fol. 465. 3 Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 1,042. 4 Ibid. fol. 1,0560. VOL. III. E 50 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. xxxix. more trenchant than had appeared by the warning lately con- veyed to the English Parliament. 1 Not merely was entire liberty of the Catholic worship and a com- pletely independent parliament to be granted to Ireland, but Dublin and all other Irish fortresses still garrisoned by the King's troops were to be placed immediately in the hands of Irish, or at least of English Catholics, whilst the King's forces were to join the Confederates in chasing the Scots and the Parliamentary English out of the country. As soon as this was done, and any additional demands which might seem desirable to the Nuncio had been granted, the Pope would pay to the Queen 100,000 crowns, or about 36,0007. 2 of English money. The remaining articles concerned England. In that country the King was to revoke all laws affecting the Catholics, placing them on complete equality with his Protestant subjects. At the next Parliament the change thus made was to be con- firmed, and in the meanwhile the Supreme Council was to send into England a body of 12,000 foot under Irish officers, to be supported upon its landing by 3,000, or at least 2,500, English horse commanded by Catholics. As soon as the Irish landed in England the Pope would pay another 100,000 crowns, and the same payment would be continued during the two following years, if it appeared to be desirable. 3 Preposterous as these terms were, Rinuccini was, from his own point of view, perfectly right in adopting them. Nothing would make the Pope the master of Ireland which did not make him master of England as well. In the General Assembly, as soon as it met, Rinuccini struggled hard for the postponement of any conclusion with Ormond until it was known whether Sir Kenelm's articles were accepted or not. Whatever difficulty he had with the Irish, he had none with Glamorgan. 4 With the instinct of a weak 1 See p. 44. 2 The exchange in 1638, as given in Lewis Roberts' Map of Commerce, was TS. ^\d. for the Roman crown, making the sum 36,3757. 3 Articles, Nunziatura, 459. Further proposals for managing this army will be found at p. 154. 4 Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 1, 066. 1646 GLAMORGAN AND ORMOND. 51 and excitable nature, Glamorgan once more bowed before the Nuncio's strength of will, and recognising at once that in no Feb. 7 . other way could he hope to obtain immediately the urges N these 3> nien w ^ were to ^ e sent m advance to the theSne^ai rene ^ ^ Chester, on February 8 he adjured Ormond Assembly, to give all content to Rinuccini. " Certainly," he Feb. s. wrote, after referring to * the expectance of a more Spea 8 to n advantageous peace wrought by the powerful hand Ormond. o f her Majesty,' " before I can put myself into a hand- some posture to serve the King, my master, by sea and land, and in some kind to supply his Majesty's private purse, I think it will stand me in little less than ioo,ooo/. within three months ; all which whence can I have it but out of Catholic countries ? And how cold I shall find Catholics bent to this service if the Pope be irritated, I humbly submit to your Excellency's better judgment. And here am I constrained . . . absolutely to profess not to be capable to do the King that service which he expects at my hands unless the Nuncio here be civilly complied with, and carried along with us in our proceedings." l Ormond's reply to this extraordinary letter was coolly sarcastic. After declaring his inability to understand what Feb j was meant by the advantageous peace to be ob- Ormond's tained by the Queen's intercession, he went on to define his own position. " My lord," he wrote, " my affections and interest are so tied to his Majesty's cause that it were madness in me to disgust any man that hath power and inclination to relieve him in the sad condition he is in ; and, therefore, your lordship may securely go on in the ways you have proposed to yourself to serve the King without fear of interruption from me, or so much as inquiring the means you work by. My commission is to treat with his Majesty's Confederate Catholic subjects here for a peace, upon condi- tions of honour and assistance to him and of advantage to them ; which, accordingly, I shall pursue to the best of my 1 Glamorgan to Ormond, Feb. 8. Carte MSS. xvi. fol. 502. B 2 52 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. xxxix. skill, but shall not venture upon any new negotiation foreign to the powers I have received." l Upon Glamorgan this dignified protest had no effect what- ever. On the 1 6th he surrendered himself body and soul to Feb 16 t ^ e Nuncio, swearing by all the saints that he would Glamorgan obey every one of his commands and would never do WmSf u? anything contrary to his honour and good pleasure. 2 IC1 ' Glamorgan's profession of unlimited obedience was accompanied by a compact between himself and the Nuncio on Compact the one part and the Supreme Council on the other, Supreme * n consequence of which the latter body agreed to Council. prolong the cessation till May i. So much time was to be allowed to the Nuncio to enable him to obtain the original articles which Sir Kenelm Digby had brought from Rome, signed and sealed by the Pope and the Queen, as the Supreme Council refused, upon the mere sight of a copy, to support the fresh demands upon Charles which they contained. He, on his part, engaged that if he failed to produce the docu- ment within the specified time, he would content himself with such terms as might be agreed on between Glamorgan and the King. In the meanwhile he waived his objection to the continuance of the Supreme Council's negotiations with Or- mond, on the understanding that nothing should be made 1 Ormond to Glamorgan, Feb. II. Carte's Ormond, vi. 352. 2 " Ego Eduardus Glamorganus Dominationi vestrae Ill m8B promitto et juro me prompte obtemperaturum omnibus suis imperatis sine ulla reluctatione ex animo, et cum animi oblectatione. Et hanc protestationem perpeluam positis genibus facio Dominationi vestrse Ill mtJB et R mB non solum velut Papa ministro sed etiam suae personse tarn insigni, et mearum in hoc purissimarum intentionum testes invoco Beatissimam Virginem atque omnes Sanctos Paradisi. Praeterea sincere spondeo me de[in] in omnibus quibus honoris sui intersit fore non minus sollicitum nee minore cura processurum quam circa memetipsum, nihilque me ipsi propositurum nisi quod eidem congruat nee commissurum, vel aliquid suo honor! vel beneplacito contrarium fiat, sed conforme obligation!, qua tenear nunquam non esse "D.V. Ill me et R m <* 16 Feb. 1646. Benevolentissimus et humilissimus servus usque ad mortem, Lord Leicester's MS. fol. i ,05315. < GLAMORGANUS. " 1 646 A SANGUINE NEGOTIATOR. 53 public till the result of Glamorgan's negotiation with Charles was known, so that both treaties the political one concluded with Ormond, and the religious one concluded with the King in person might be published at the same time. 1 The immediate interest of the negotiation was thus trans- ferred to the Continent, and on the i8th Glamorgan, leaving Feb. IB. tne conduct of the troops for Chester to others, and toju> g the despatching his brother, Lord John Somerset, to Continent. England to urge Charles to compliance with the new terms, announced his intention of leaving Ireland for Rome in the hope of being able to induce the Pope to give his full support to the proposals already made by him to Sir Kenelm Digby. So certain was Glamorgan of being able to sway the resolution not only of the Pope but of the King as well, that though he had no fresh instructions from England, he referred Rinuccini to the powers which he had originally re- The third 7 , . Glamorgan ceived from Charles as being sufficient to assure him that the royal ratification of these proposals could not possibly be refused. 2 It is incredible that this third Glamorgan treaty, 3 as we may fairly call it, emanated in any way from Charles. An agreement having been thus temporarily come to be- tween the Nuncio and the Supreme Council, it seemed as if there would be no further difficulties in the way of Troops to be the despatch of troops to Chester. On February 24 Glamorgan was able to assure Ormond that not 3,000 but 6,000 men would be sent, and that he was himself March s. starting for Waterford to expedite their embarkation. 4 fromErJ On March 8 bad news arrived from Chester. The city had surrendered to Brereton on February 3. Feb. 3 . The port which was to have received Charles's Irish Surrender ... . of Chester, auxiliaries was closed against them. 1 Articles between the Confederate Catholics and the Nuncio with Glamorgan, Feb. 16. Lord Leicester's MS. fol. i,o86b. 2 Glamorgan to Rinuccini, P'eb. 18. Lord Leicester 1 s MS. fol. 1,084- 1,086. 3 For the other two see pp. 33, 40. 4 Glamorgan to Ormond, Feb. 24. Carte MSS. fol. 546. 5 Note by Glamorgan, March 9. Ibid. xvi. fol. 617. 54 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINI. CH. xxxix. As far as Glamorgan's plans were concerned, the only immediate result of the evil tidings was the transference of his intended port of landing from Chester to some point either in Wales or in Cornwall, where the Prince of Wales was still March is. holding out. On March 18 a far worse blow over- ^organ ioo ^ m 'm. He then learned that Charles had not charies has on iy disavowed him, but had published his disavowal him. to the world. 1 In his annoyance Glamorgan talked to Du Moulin, the French agent at Kilkenny, of abandoning the master to whom he had hitherto devoted himself, and of passing with the army which was being raised to champion Charles's cause in England into the service of the King of France. 2 Glamorgan's chance of being allowed to carry any consider- able force from Ireland was, however, now the less, as the Irish had fresh dangers to meet at home. A Parliamentary The seizure squadron had sailed up the estuary of the Shannon ofBunratty. an( j h a( j se ized Bunratty Castle, a few miles below Limerick. The Earl of Thomond, whose- influence in Clare was great, and who for some time had been hesitating between the parties, now threw his whole weight on the Parliamentary side. The members of the Supreme Council informed Gla- morgan that unless Ormond would openly join forces with them they would neither make peace at Dublin nor send an army to England. 3 Rinuccini, at least, was well satisfied with the turn events were taking. He thoroughly distrusted the Supreme Council, Rinuccini^ believing it to be capable of sacrificing the Church Supreme 1 e for mere temporal expediency; but he still more lcil > thoroughly distrusted the King. "I consider," he had wri tten a few weeks earlier, "that, with regard to the Faith, it is safer to treat with a prince who perhaps is not averse to concede what he can on this head, and who has had experience of the fidelity of the Irish, besides 1 Glamorgan to Ormond, March 18. Carte MSS. xvi. fol. 666. 2 Du Moulin to Mazarin, **?. R.O. Transcripts. 1 Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 1,1450; Glamorgan to Ormond, March 18, Carte MSS. xvi. fol. 666, 1646 AN TRISH PEACE. 55 having a Catholic wife, and having intercourse in civil matters with all the other princes of Christendom. Yet, on the other hand, I am alarmed at the common belief of his inconstancy and untrustworthiness, on account of which it may be doubted that no concession made by him will live longer than he wishes, and that, unless a Catholic Lord Lieutenant is appointed, he will, in the end, by means of Protestant ministers, assert his claims by the sacrifice of the best heads in Ireland, and establish more atrociously than before the heretic reign of terror." l The Supreme Council could not, however, make up its mind to abandon its negotiation with the representative of a March 18. King who had not the power, even if he had the tle'sut^me will > to fulfil engagements made in his name. There Council. being as yet no sign of Charles's acceptance of Sir Kenelm Digby's articles, or even evidence that they had come under his notice, the Council bade their commissioners, who were now once more at Dublin, to propose that the conclusion of peace should be deferred to the middle of June, to enable Glamorgan to fetch from France and the Netherlands the ships and money of which he was in need for the transportation of his forces to England. In the meanwhile Glamorgan would send his brother to obtain from the King a confirmation under the great seal of his own treaty. If this were accepted, and if Ormond would agree in the meanwhile to combine with the Irish forces against the common enemy, the Council would allow him 3,ooo/. to meet his current expenses. 2 On these terms, with some modification, Ormond agreed to conclude the peace, on the understanding that it was to be March 28. kept a profound secret, not till the middle of June, 5 h p e eac e e aty but tiu Ma y * The articles of the treaty which signed. related to the civil government were signed on March 28. They contained many valuable reforms, especially providing for the admission of Catholics and Protestants to ofrlce upon equal terms. The whole question of religious 1 Rinuccini's Memoir, March I. Nunziatura, 114. 2 The Supreme Council to the commissioners, March 18. Carte AISS. xvi. fol. 668. 56 GLAMORGAN AND RINUCCINL CH. xxxix. liberty was postponed till an answer had been received from Charles. The negotiators were, however, so expectant of a favourable reply that they appended to the treaty an on religion agreement to send to England without delay the long promised army of 10,000 men. Six thousand men to'ST were to start on April i, and on May i the remaining sent at once. ^ QQO were to follow. On March 30 Ormond gave to the Irish commissioners a written promise that if they were attacked before the time appointed for the publication of the treaty, he would appear in arms against their assailants. 1 Whatever hopes might be entertained at Dublin, Glamorgan had given up all hope of conducting the army to England till March 2 *ke ^ av w ^ en ^ e King should, as he fervently be- Giamorgan Heved he would, acknowledge the articles signed in hope of com- his name. In the meanwhile he would go abroad and gather support for the great enterprise. His short access of ill-temper had passed away, and he avowed his belief freely that the King's disavowal had been drawn unwillingly from him. Yet he also acknowledged frankly that for the time it rendered him incapable of doing him service. During his absence the men should be placed under Preston for operations in Munster. 2 No wonder that, in spite of the signatures of their commis- sioners in Dublin, the Supreme Council felt doubtful as to the Pros ects of P ros P ects ^ the treaty. Within a few days after its theexpe- conclusion, news arrived from England which ren- dered the prospects of the expedition hopeless. Chester had long been closed against it, and South Wales had since fallen into the hands of the Parliamentarians. Cornwall was now lost as well, and there was no longer a foot of English soil on which the army could land with any prospect of being able to maintain itself. Officers and soldiers alike refused to leave Ireland. 3 On April 3 Muskerry wrote to Ormond that 1 The Irish Treaty, Rushw. vi. 402, with the date of its subsequent publication, Agreement, March 28 ; Ormond to the commissioners, March 30, Carte MSS. xvi. fol. 610, xvii. fol. 28. * Glamorgan's considerations, Mar. 29. Lord Leicester's MS. fol. I,IOI. 8 Digby to Ormond, April 3. Carte's Ormond, vi. 363. 1646 IRISH HELP LOST FOR CHARLES. 57 the expedition must be abandoned for the present. It would be impossible to land 10,000 infantry in a hostile country where Aprii 3 . n cavalry was available for their protection. 1 A tToncoumer- week earlier Charles had written to Ormond pre- manded. cisely to the same effect. The foot, he said, was to be kept back, as it would be lost if it should now attempt to land, 'we having no horse nor ports in our power to secure them.' 2 The bubble had burst. Irish help was not available for Charles. Excellent as were the motives of the Supreme Council, their expectation of being able to gain civil and religious liberty in co-operation with a Stuart king was a rock upon which wiser statesmen than themselves must infallibly have split. 1 Muskerry to Ormond, April 3. Carte MSS. xvii. fol. 49. 2 The King to Ormond, March 26. 'Ibid. xiv. 309. CHAPTER XL. THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. LONG before Charles's Irish negotiation hopelessly collapsed, the only army which still kept the field for him in England had begun to melt away. Before the end of November November. Goring betook himself to France, partly because he kave n s g Eng- was in reality suffering in health from the effect of his debauches, and partly because he hoped for a high command in the army of foreigners which the Queen expected to muster in the spring. 1 During the remainder of the year Fairfax, in spite of the sickness which was Fairfax *. . , .. , . , . before Exe- ravaging his army, was cautiously establishing his posts on the east side of Exeter, in the hope of being able ultimately to complete the investment and to starve the city into surrender. 2 Though Cromwell had rejoined the army in October, neither he nor his chief was disposed to undertake an active campaign during the rainy season in so impracticable a country as Devonshire, and Fairfax contented himself with sending detachments to occupy Fulford and Canonteign, with the object of hindering the introduction of supplies into Exeter by the Royalists in the West. Fairfax could afford to wait better than the enemy. On December 26 the Prince of Wales was at Tavistock, where he had ordered his scattered forces to concentrate in order to 1 Goring to the Prince of Wales, Nov. 20 ; Jermyn to Hyde, Nov. 27. Clar. MSS. 2,033, 2 >38 ; Clarendon, ix. 99. His name is afterwards connected with the foreign forces by the Parliamentary newspapers, and he does not seem to have been blamed by the King for his desertion. For the operations before Exeter, see the map at vol. ii. p. 358. 1646 FAIRFAX IN DEVONSHIRE. 59 fall upon the Parliamentary army whilst it was hampered by the operations of the siege. He calculated that when every Dec. 26. available man had been brought into line he would a^Tcfvf 1106 h ave 6,000 foot and 5,000 horse at his disposal, stock. Unfortunately for him, his body was formidable in Condition numbers only. The brutalities of Grenvile in Corn- of his army. J wall, and the ravages committed in Devonshire by the cavalry which had been deserted by Goring, had exasperated even the most loyal subject who had anything to lose. The army itself was little better than a mob. Scarcely an officer of rank would take orders from his superior, and the men, stinted of every kind of supply, were scattered in small groups, from the neighbourhood of Exeter almost to the Land's End. 1 Fairfax's own army was indeed somewhat weakened by the necessity of despatching Fleetwood and Whalley to watch the Dec. 25. motions of the King's cavalry at Oxford, but it was fnd e whaiiey st -iU strong enough to continue the blockade of King. tch the Ex eter, and to deal with the approaching enemy in , his existing state of disorganisation. A frost which A change of weather. now set in made the roads slippery, and threw almost as much difficulty in the way of an advance as the previous j6 6 rams. At last on January 8 orders were given to Jan. s. advance. Whilst Sir Hardress Waller pushed on to Advance of ._. .. , . .. Fairfax. Bow to distract the enemy s attention, Cromwell Jan. 9 . surprised a part of Lord Wentworth's brigade at JXTeT 156 Bovey Tracey by a night attack, and though the Tracey. men f or ^g most p art esca p e d j n the darkness, four hundred horses fell into the hands of the victors. So terrified was Wentworth at the unexpected blow that he fled in hot haste to Tavistock to tell the news of his misfortune. The The Prim Ry anst P^ an had crumbled away, and the Brince, retreats to who had set out with the intention of advancing to Totnes, fell back upon I^aunceston, sending orders to Colonel John Digby, who had been watching Plymouth from afar, to abandon the semblance of a blockade and to fall back upon headquarters. 2 1 Clarendon, ix. 116. Clarendon, ix. 117; Sprigg, 176. 6o THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. Insubordinate and tyrannical as Grenvile was, he was at least a soldier, and his first impulse on hearing of Wentworth's mishap was to urge the Prince to appoint a com- Grenvile , i r ?. /> j r-r i asks for the mander-in-chief -Brentford or Hopton to whom off"' " the officers would be bound to render obedience. ' On January 15 the choice of the Prince or rather Hopton 15 ' tnat f t ^ ie counsellors by whose advice he was appointed, guided fell upon Hopton. Grenvile was to serve under him in charge of the infantry, and Wentworth in charge of the cavalry. In pure devotion Hopton accepted the heavy burden. He knew well that nothing but defeat was possible. He declared that he had often heard men say that it was against their honour to do this or that, when, in reality, it was only against their inclination. He for his part was ready to obey his Highness, though by so doing he should lose his honour. Never, in the eyes of all whose opinion was worth having, had Hopton's stainless reputation stood higher than on that day of self-surrender. He was not likely to find many to follow him in his path of loyalty. Grenvile, after recommend- Grenviie's i n g nis appointment, refused to serve under him, and proposed to employ himself in Cornwall in bringing up those who had deserted from the trained bands of the county. The Prince and his council were at last weary of his disobedience, and thrust him as a prisoner into Launceston Castle, whence, before many days were over, he was removed to safer custody to St. Michael's Mount. 1 The new commander had indeed a hopeless task before him. Fairfax, having secured himself from immediate danger by dispersing the advanced parties of the enemy, wheeled to the left, and, though the heavy snow made it impossible to ^ n ^ bring up the artillery, carried Dartmouth by storm Dartmouth on the 1 8th. The general's clemency served him even better than his valour. To the Cornishmen taken in the place he gave two shillings apiece, and sent them home to spread among their countrymen the news that the Parliamentary soldiers were not robbers like those of Grenvile and Goring. 2 1 Clarendon, ix. 141. * Sprigg, 179. 1646 THE WESTERN CAMPAIGN. 61 62 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. In Devonshire, at least, the belief was spreading that peace and plenty were only to be recovered by the victory of the best Jan. 24. disciplined army. On the 24th, on his return to ScSffor Totnes, Fairfax called on the county for 1,000 re- Fairfax, cruits to be employed in the defence of South Devon. Three times the number offered themselves willingly. "We are come," said Cromwell to them, " to set you, if possible, at liberty from your taskmasters." l Having thus strengthened his position in South Devon, Fairfax returned to the work of encompassing Exeter. On Jan. 26. tne 26tn ms chain of forts round the city was com- cSL erham pl ete d by the surrender of Powderham Castle. On surrenders, fa e sa me day news reached the army of a nature to strengthen, if possible, the grim resolution with which it had set itself to its appointed task. The captain of a French vessel sailed into Dartmouth, thinking the place to be still in intercepted Royalist hands. As soon as he discovered his mis- take he threw overboard a packet, which was, how- ever, seized before it sank, and was found to contain letters written by the Queen and her principal adherents. 2 After the reading of these letters at Westminster there could no longer be any reasonable doubt as to the correctness The Queen's of the information recently forwarded from Paris 3 as projects. to fa Q Queen's plans. In her letter to her husband Henrietta Maria wrote of the project of marrying their eldest 1 Sprigg, 1 86 ; The Moderate Intelligencer, E. 320, n. 2 Sprigg, 188. 3 " The treaty betwixt the King and Scots is with all industry pro- secuted by Mr. William Murray with the Queen. She, to gain time, entertains it with great hopes of a fair and desired conclusion, and is resolved if other expectations fail to give them their desires. The obstacle at present is the difficulty of reconciling the party of Montrose with that of Hamilton and Argyle. Yet in case the Parliament should upon the King's refusal of the propositions now desired proceed to the deposing of him, the Scots commissioners in England do assure that those two parties shall reconcile and declare with one consent for the King, which is the only thing by her desired ; for having also assurance in that case of a party now with the Parliament, she is confident that that is the only way to re-establish the King to her content. The French 1646 DANGER FROM FRANCE. 63 son to the daughter of the Duke of Orleans. Nor did she pass over in silence that negotiation with the Scots, the exist- ence of which had been emphatically denied by the Scottish commissioners in London. She had sent, she said, 'Will Murray fully instructed with her mind about it.' l Of the other letters the most important was one from Jermyn. His mistress, he said, had obtained leave to raise 4,000 invasion foot and i,ooo horse in Brittany and Guienne, and proposed. ^ WQU j c j j iave no Difficulty in obtaining a larger number if she wished. This force would be ready about the end of February, and by that time the Dutch fleet, which was to transport them to England, would be ready to put to sea. " I had almost forgot," he concluded, " to observe to you that if the Scots' treaty be concluded it draws along with it another thing of equal importance, which will be the declaration of this Crown, and that may very probably be followed by that of the States United." 2 If the Houses had had any doubt before, they were now convinced that the Scots in their self-exculpa- tion had spoken falsely. The combination was, at least on paper, extremely for- midable. The knowledge of its existence seems to have come through some other channel to Charles, who was now hoping to entertain the war, until they have done their business in Flanders, give leave to raise 6,000 volunteers ; 2,000 in Normandy, 3,000 in Brittany, and 1,000 in Poitou ; for the setting forth of all which the Queen of France and Cardinal have this last week given 30,000 pistoles. The clergy gives the like sum, and both assurance of 5,000 pistoles monthly. Six hundred of the former number are within sixteen days to be shipped at Newhaven," i.e. Havre, "and conducted to Dartmouth by Sir William Davenant ; the gross in March, all to be commanded by General Goring, who, having now passed his cure, will make his flourish for twenty or forty days in Paris." R. Wright to St. John [?], Jan. 17. Portland MSS. See also p. 44. 1 See p. 20. 2 Jermyn to Culpepper and Hyde, Jan. 17. Clar. MSS. 2,094. The signature is in cipher, but it is ascribed to Jermyn by Hyde. This is a duplicate of the copy taken at Dartmouth, which is, no doubt, the one now amongst the Tanner MSS. Ix. fol. 371. That the Parliamentarians ascribed it to Davenant merely shows that they guessed the interpretation of the ciphered signature wrongly. 64 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. to do great things with the help of his foreign auxiliaries. ' The notion of concentrating at Worcester 1 was for the time abandoned, in all probability because the success of Charles x ' Fairfax put an end to all hope of a junction with mTrchSto the Prince's army. Charles, therefore, urged the Queen to divert her French levies to the east of England. If they could land at Hastings before the middle of March, he would be able to gather a force of 2,000 horse and dragoons. With these he would make a dash upon Kent, seize Rochester, and hold out a hand to the invaders in Sussex. 2 Knowing nothing of this last wild scheme, Fairfax loitered not in the execution of the duty before him. On February 8 Feb. 8. ne received the good news of the fall of Chester, Sb^r an d at the same ti me learnt that the Prince's army Exeter. under Hopton's command was already on the march Hopton for Torrington, in the hope of falling upon him towards whilst he was engaged in the siege of Exeter. Leaving a large part of his force vUnder Sir Hardress precautions. Waller to carry on the blockade, and despatching a Feb. 10. stron g body of horse northwards to keep back the S e me d e v t ances Ry a li st garrison of Barnstaple from coming to Hopton. Hopton's assistance, he was still able to advance to meet the enemy with 10,000 men. Hopton reached Torrington on the loth, the day on which Fairfax broke up from before Exeter. The force at his dis- stateof posal num bered little more than 5,000 men, of Hopton's which by far the greater part were cavalry. 3 In all army. , . * that constitutes an army he was miserably lacking. His foot-soldiers had no heart in the cause for which they had been dragged from their homes, and his horse, which had been trained in Goring's evil school, utterly refused to submit to discipline. They could seldom be induced to appear at 1 See p. 1 8. 2 The King to the Queen, Feb. I. Charles I. in 1646, p. 14. 3 I follow Hopton's own account, Relation, Carte's Orig. Letters, i. Mo, which gives 5,140; Hyde writing to the Queen on Feb. 17, Claren- don St. P. ii. 208, says he had 6,800. 1646 THE FIGHT AT TORRINGTON. 65 the appointed rendezvous, and so slack were they in watching the enemy's movements, that it was only by accident that Hopton learnt on the i4th that Fairfax had arrived Fairfax at at Chumleigh, and that an immediate conflict was therefore to be expected. Supplies too were slow in coming in, and, even if Fairfax left him unassailed, he would experience some difficulty in keeping his army together. All that a brave soldier could do was done by Hopton. To abandon Torrington was to give up all hope of preserving Hopton the West, and as the frost of the early part of the ISfencP t0 vear had Deen succeeded by soaking rain, it was just himself. possible that if the Prince's army could maintain itself in a strongly defensible position for a few days, Fairfax might be compelled by the weather to retreat. Such a posi- tion Hopton attempted to make for himself at Torrington. He blocked up with mounds of earth the entrances of the streets at the eastern end of the town, the side on which Fairfax was likely to approach, and threw out advanced guards to give warning of his coming. The Royalist general took care to quarter the greater part of his cavalry on a common to the north, so as to be ready to take the Parliamentary army in flank as soon as it was engaged in storming the town. For two days there was skirmishing between the horse, always to the disadvantage of the Royalists. On the i6th Feb 16 Fairfax advanced in force. In the afternoon the Advance of weather temporarily cleared, and the Parliament- arians succeeded in establishing themselves at no great distance from Hopton's defences. After nightfall a re- Torrington connoitring party, fancying that . the barricade at the stormed. en( j o f fa Q street had been abandoned, and creeping orward too far, was unintentionally drawn into an engagement. Other troops were pushed forward in support, and at last a general attack was ordered. After a sharp struggle the de- fences were carried. A body of horse, which had been kept in the town by Hopton to support his infantry, turned round and galloped down the long street which sloped westwards towards the Torridge. Their flight was the signal for disorder. Of the whole of the foot the Prince's guard alone maintained the VOL. III. F 66 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XT, struggle. Hopton himself, hurrying out to the common where the main body of his horsemen lay inactive, brought them back with him to turn the tide. The horsemen did their best, and drove the assailants back for a while, but not a foot-soldier could be induced to make a stand, and cavalry, unsupported, were at a hopeless disadvantage in a narrow street. Fifty barrels of powder, the whole of Hopton's remaining ammu- nition, which had been deposited in a church, now blew up with a terrific roar. Retreat was now inevitable, and under cover of the night the greater part of the Royalists who had not already fled made their way across the Torridge. The next Hopton at day Hopton mustered the remains of his army at stratton. Stratton, the scene of his most successful exploit in happier days. Only 1,200 foot had rejoined him. The re- mainder had either stolen away to their homes or had enlisted in the ranks of the enemy. 1 The victory encouraged Fairfax to make short work of the enemy. The Prince, he knew, had retreated to Truro, and a Feb 20 deserter brought a rumour that the Queen's allies funhn'* were to ^ an( ^ m Cornwall in the middle of March, advance. There was, therefore, no time to be lost. On the Feb. 25. 25th Fairfax entered Launceston, driving the enemy enters* before him. The Cornishmen had once risen Launceston. ag Qne man tQ ^ ve j ntru d er s over the Tamar. Since that time the bitter lesson of Royalist plunderings had entered into their souls, and they welcomed the soldiers who robbed no one and paid their way. 2 Hopton had fallen back upon Bodmin. It was no fault of Hopton's ms ^ ke was unaD ^ e to make a stand. Even his condition. cavalry was now dissolving before his eyes. Those March i. who did not desert to the enemy neglected to per- Misconduct f of his form the commonest duties of military service. Regiments appeared at their posts with half their numbers absent, and those who thought fit to attend often arrived two hours after the appointed time. On March i a 1 Hopton's Narrative, Carte's Orig. Letters, i. 109 ; Wogan's Narra- tive, Ibid. i. 126 ; Sprigg, 192 ; A more full relation, E, 325, 2. ' 207. 1646 THE PRINCE LEAVES CORNWALL. 67 whole brigade of horse, posted on Bodmin Downs to check March 2. tne advance of the enemy, fell back upon the town occupies i n Direct defiance of their commander. Hopton Bodmin. was compelled to abandon Bodmin, and the place was occupied by Fairfax on the following day. 1 The advance of the Parliamentary army had rendered the position of the Prince of Wales exceedingly precarious. It was true that on February 21 he had received letters Feb. 21. _ J French aid from France in confirmation of the rumour that STthe troops were being raised for his succour, 2 but it was added that there would be a delay of two or three weeks beyond the date which had been originally fixed for their transportation, so that they could hardly be expected in Cornwall before the latter end of March. 3 Almost seize the at the same time those who had the charge of the Prince's person learnt that that old trickster, Lord Newport, had been attempting to curry favour with Parliament by suborning a lieutenant of the Prince's guard to carry the lad off to Westminster. 4 Before Fairfax reached Bodmin the heir to the crown had taken refuge in Pendennis Castle, where a council was hastily The PHnce summoned to discuss the measures for securing his nisSde"." safety. There was a general disinclination to send March 2 mm to France, if it could possibly be avoided, and on JJegoesto March 2, the day on which the Parliamentary troops isles. occupied Bodmin, the Prince embarked for the Scilly Isles, where he would be out of reach of Fairfax, and would yet be on English soil. As soon as the Prince had departed, Hopton ceased to March i. have any motive for prolonging an impossible St'IJcSi!. resistance. When he left Bodmin he appointed tie Dinas. a rendezvous at Castle Dinas, an isolated hill at no great distance, crowned with the ramparts of an ancient 1 Clarendon, ix. 144 ; Hopton's Narrative, Carte's Orig. Letters, i. 1 1 6. 2 Seep. 63, Note 3. 3 Hopton's Narrative, Carte's Orig. Letters, i. 116. 4 Montreuil to Mazarin, J f^~ , Arch, des Aff. EtrangZres, Hi. fol. 91 ; Jermyn to Culpepper, Feb. 9, Clar. MSS. 2,125. F 2 68 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. camp. Very few of his horse attended, and at a council of war held on the 2nd every officer, except himself A council 2 ' and Major-General Webb, voted for an immediate rotes for surrender. A letter from Fairfax offering honourable surrender. terms ^^ on faQ 6th, and Hopton, though he A kite? 6 ' resolutely refused to treat for the surrender of Pen- from Fair- dennis and St. Michael's Mount, was driven by the fax. J Ma ch 8 importunity of his own officers to open negotiations Ho P a to C n on the 8th. Before it was too late he took care to treat? 8 *' send to the two garrisons reinforcements out of the infantry still remaining with him. But for the forbearance of the Parliamentary soldiers Hopton's desire to postpone the inevitable surrender might have cost his followers dear. On March 10 a March 10. A peaceable party of Ireton's horse, near Probus, fell in with some of the Royalist cavalry, who, fancying that they were out of danger 'because negotiations had been opened, made no preparations for resistance. Ireton had much ado to persuade them that hostilities" had not been sus- pended, but he had too much generosity to take advantage of their error, and allowed them to retire without Commis- . / i i sioners injury. On the same day commissioners from both sides met at Tresillian Bridge. Fairfax did not, however, think it necessary to halt, and before night he entered Truro. It seemed as if Hopton's army would cease to exist before the commissioners could agree. The gentlemen of the county and the soldiers alike declared themselves to be weary of the war, and to be desirous of living peaceably under the protec- March i tion f Parliament. At last, on the i4th, the wrangle Hopton's over the terms of surrender was brought to a conclu- surrender. . sion. Common soldiers, after giving up their arms and horses, might return to their homes or go beyond sea. Officers not specially excepted from pardon by the Parliament were allowed the same choice, but might retain their horses and their pistols. Even officers excepted might leave the country, a reasonable time being allowed them to petition Par- liament for their restoration to favour. All who remained in 1646 END OF HOPTOWS COMMAND. 69 England were to take an oath never again to serve against Parliament. On the 2oth the disbandment of what remained of the army of the West was carried out on these terms. The spirit which March 20. had once animated that army was as extinct as its 22?db! organisation. The contrast between the vagabonds banded. whom Goring had mustered and the disciplined warriors of the New Model was striking enough to counter- balance the local Western patriotism which at one time had stood Charles in good stead. No one who had anything to lose wished to see Goring back again, especially if he brought a pack of hungry Frenchmen at his heels, 1 No less distasteful March 5. was the prospect of an Irish invasion. A Waterford forifSp sm P> ta ken at Padstow on March 5, had been found taken. to contain letters from Glamorgan, in which he boasted that 6,000 Irish would soon land in England, to be followed in May by 4,000 more. In making its submission, Cornwall did not so much bow before the conqueror as rally round the national banner in the hands of Fairfax. 2 Charles had little left to rely on except his foreign intrigues. A few strong places held out for him, but he could not hope to Strong- maintain them for many weeks. Yet he could hardly ^reduced, expect to profit by his intrigues any more than he Charles's had profited hitherto. Before the end of January breakST ^ e ^ new ^ at Glamorgan's negotiation had miscar- down. ried, 3 and that the Queen's negotiation with the Scots had been revealed. 4 Her letter, which had recently been intercepted at Dartmouth, referred to Will Murray as about to cross to England to inform the King what she had been Feb. 5 . doing in that matter, and on February 5 Will Murray Murray was seized as he was passing through Canterbury in arrested. disguise, on his way to Oxford. The Houses sent him to the Tower, and attempted to extract his secrets from him. No revelations were, however, obtained and he was > t 212; Hopton's Narrative, Carte's Orig. Letters, i. 117. - Sprigg, 213, The Earl of Glamorgan? s negotiations > E. 328, 9. 3 See p. 45. * See p. 63. 70 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. ultimately sent before a court-martial as a spy. The court very properly refused to adjudge him to be a spy, spy and and he recovered his liberty on bail in the course acquitted. . , , of the summer. 1 Murray had brought with him an important letter from the Queen to her husband, of which the French Agent was able to Montreuii g am possession, as it had been .directed to himself. Tve to Se o Montreuii was anxious to carry it to Oxford, but the to Oxford. Houses, suspecting the object of his journey, threw every possible obstacle in his way. 2 Charles, however, knew Th Ouee fr m other sources that his wife, who had by this favours an time discovered the articles brought from the Pope tith"the by Sir Kenelm Digby to be hopelessly impracticable, had now set her heart on an understanding with the Scots. She seems to have said something about the prob- ability that concessions made to them on the score of reli- gion would be only temporary. Charles replied bluntly that, Feb. 19. whether they were temporary or not, he would never EdteTto make them. " I must confess to my shame and reiSous r ^'" ^ added, with evident reference to his concessions, abandonment of Strafford, "that heretofore I have, for public respects yet, I believe, if thy personal safety had not been at stake, 3 I might have hazarded the rest yielded unto those things which were no less against my conscience than this ; for which I have been so deservedly punished that a relapse now would be insufferable, and I am most confident that God hath so favoured my hearty though weak repentance, that He will be glorified either by relieving me out of these distresses which I may humbly hope for, though not presume upon or in my gallant sufferings for so good a cause, which to 1 L.J. viii. 260, 416 ; C.J. iv. 641. 2 C.J. iv. 430, 431 ; Montreuii to the King, Clar. St. P. ii. 213 ; Montreuii to Mazarin, Feb. , J^f i' Arch, des Aff. Etrangeres, lii. fol. 103, 126. 3 This is a curious corroboration of the evidence in favour of the view that Charles's anxiety about his wife was a principal cause of his weak- ness in the case of Strafford. See Hist, of England, 1603-1642, ix. 365. 1646 CHARLES AND THE INDEPENDENTS. 71 eschew by any mean submission cannot but draw God's further justice upon me, both in this and the next world." l The words were well and bravely written, and there could be little doubt that they were well and bravely meant. Yet Charles could not fold himself in silence, or hold tion un- himself aloof from entanglement with men whom he alterable. , , ... TT . . never could conciliate. , His resolution not to grant to the Presbyterians the only terms which they would accept merely led him to make fresh overtures to the Independents. March 2. On March 2 Ashburnham wrote to Vane, by the to?he P i P nde- King's orders, adjuring him to support his masters pendents. request for leave to visit London, there to obtain the acceptance of that offer of toleration which he had already made, 2 so amended as to make it applicable to all religious parties. "If Presbytery," urged Ashburnham, "shall be so strongly insisted upon as that there can be no peace without it, you shall certainly have all the power my master can make to join with you in rooting out of this kingdom that tyrannical government, with this condition, that my master may not have his conscience disturbed yours being free when that work is finished." 3 If no response was made to this offer and at least no evidence exists that Vane ever replied it is unnecessary to NO response blame the Independent leaders. It was impossible made to it. f or fa Qm to De ii eve tna t Charles had no other object in coming to London except to establish a settlement of the kingdom on the basis of a general toleration. The knowledge of Glamorgan's treaty must have made them cautious, and, however loudly the Scots might protest, no reasonable person could doubt that Charles had been listening favourably to overtures from them, or that in those overtures they had stood out for exclusive Presbyterianism. It was not the fault of the Independents if they refused to believe that Charles could be negotiating with the Presbyterians without being prepared to grant their most indispensable demand. 1 The King to the Queen, Feb. 19. Charles 7. in 1646, p. 18. 2 See p. 17. 3 Ashburnham to Vane, March 2. Clar. St. P. ii. 226. 72 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. This, however, was precisely what Charles was doing. On March 3, the day after Ashburnham's letter was sent to March3 . London, he wrote again to his wife. "For the Charles's Scots," he told her, " I promise thee to employ all towards the possible pains and industry to agree with them, so terians, that the price be not giving up the Church of Eng- land, with which I will not part upon any condition whatso- ever. . . . Besides the nature of Presbyterian government is to steal or force the crown from the king's head ; for their chief maxim is ... that all kings must submit to Christ's kingdom, of which they are the sole governors, the king having but a single and no negative voice in their assemblies, so that yield- ing to the Scots in this particular, I should both go against my conscience and ruin my crown." l It was impossible for Charles to express more clearly the mixture of religious and political considerations which possessed his mind. The King's distrust of the Presbyterians had made him ready on the 2nd to seek the aid of the Independents. On March } 2 . the 1 2th it made him ready to seek the aid of the wa d rdTthe Catholics. "If the Pope and they," he wrote, Catholics. "will visibly and heartily engage themselves for the re-establishment of the Church of England and my crown . . . against all opposers whatsoever, I will promise them, on the word of a king, to give them here a free toleration of conscience." Would it not be well, he added in a postscript, ' that all the English Roman Catholics be warned by the Pope's ministers to join with the forces that are to come out of Ireland ? ' 2 How was it possible to deal with a man so utterly out of touch with the world in which he lived ? Whilst Charles was- speculating on the choice of allies, Montreuil, with a Frenchman's incredulity of the existence Feb. of insuperable conscientious objections in the breast f a nei> etic, was pertinaciously striving to extract activity. from the Scottish commissioners the lowest terms upon which they would receive Charles into their army, making no doubt that he would ultimately accept them without 1 The King to the Queen, March 3. Charles I. in 1646, p. 22. 2 The King to the Queen, March 12. Ibid. p. 24. 1646 THE SCOTTISH TERMS. 73 difficulty. 1 He soon found, however, that the task of re- conciliation was harder than he anticipated. In spite of all his protestations, he was unable to obtain anything in writing from a body of which Lauderdale was a member, and was March, obliged to content himself with a verbal authorisa- Moray tion to Sir Robert Moray to set down in writing the conditions demanded. Charles, it appeared, was not the Scots. on ]y to accept the three propositions touching the Church, the militia, and Ireland which he had rejected at Uxbridge, but he was also to sign the Covenant. If he did these things he would be received with honour and respect into the Scottish army, and might be assured that the Scots would do all in their power to reconcile his followers with the English Parliament. If it were necessary to make exceptions in the cases of five or six, then nothing worse than temporary banishment should befall them. If the King accepted these terms he must write two letters to that effect, the one to the Parliament and the Scottish commissioners at Westminster, the other to the Committee of Estates at Edinburgh. 2 1 Montreuil to Nicholas, Feb. 26, Clar. St. P. ii. 217; Montreuil to Ma/arm, Feb. 26, Arch, des Aff. Etrangeres, lii. fol. 140. 2 "Les Deputez d'Escosse m'ont autorise pour asseurer la Reyne et Mgr le Cardinal, ainsy que je fays par ce present escrit, que si le Roy de la Grande Bretagne veut se retirer en 1'armee des Escossois, il y sera receu avec toute sorte d'honneur, et de respect, et y demeurera avec une entiere seurete, et que les Escossois s'interposeront efficacement pour faire raccomoclement de ceux de son party avec le Parlement d'Angleterre a la reserve de cinq ou six qui s'esloigneront seulement pour quelque temps, pourveu qu'avant que d'aller en 1'armee il plaise a sa dite Majeste de la Grande Bretagne escrire deux lettres, 1'une au Parlement d'Angleterre et aux deputez d'Escosse a Londres, et 1'autre aux commitez du Parlement d'Escosse, par lesquelles il donne son consentement aux trois propositions touchant Religion, la Milice, et 1'Irlande, qui ont este autrefois faites a Uxbridge, et aux demandes de la Ville de Londres qui sont de peu de consequence avec promesse de les ratifier par actes de ses Parlements, et de faire tout ce que pent contribuer a 1'establissement des affaires eccle- siastiques et civiles et a la paix et 1'union de ses Royaumes par 1'advis de ses Parlements, et que sadite Majeste de la Grande Bretagne signe le Couvenant devant qu'aller a 1'armee des Escossois, ou en y arrivant a son choix." Moray to Montreuil, March ? Arch, des Aff. Etrangeres^ lii. fol. 164. 74 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. Montreuil, sanguine as he was of bending Charles to his will, knew that it would be impossible to obtain his consent to such terms as these, and he accordingly sought for March 16. . J The an interview with Loudoun, the most influential of proposal the commissioners who had lately returned from Scotland. He was told that an interview could not be granted, and that he must continue to treat through Sir Robert Moray. Moray, on being again addressed, assured the Frenchman that Loudoun had full powers from the Scottish Parliament to negotiate, 1 and on March 16 he announced that the commissioners would withdraw their demand for the accept- ance of the whole of the three propositions of Uxbridge and for the signature of the Covenant, and would content themselves with a promise from Charles to accept the church settlement which had been already made and which should hereafter be made by the Parliaments and Assemblies of the two kingdoms. Charles was, however, to express a general approbation of the Covenant in the letters to the two Parliaments in which he was to accept these conditions. The first requirement, wrote Montreuil to Mazarin, was no more than had been proposed by Moray in France. As to the second, Charles would not, by writing a letter, bind himself to the Covenant as much as if he had actually signed it. 2 Montreuil was a young diplomatist, full of indiscreet zeal and anxious to distinguish himself by promoting the establishment of a weak government in Eng- land ; but he entirely failed to understand the very peculiar Charles's constitution of Charles's mind. Charles could ex- of'trmh'arld P^ am awa Y a promise which he had formerly made, falsehood. or ^^d couc h a promise which he was making in words which he intended to explain away at some future time ; 1 The only official powers given to him by Parliament were given to him as a member of the Committee of Estates, and they contained a clause ' that nane of the commities entir in treattie anent the poyntes and articles in questione betwixt his Ma tie and estates of this kingdome, or betwixt the kingdomes themselves, without consent of a quorum of the whole thrie committies.' Acts of Parl of Sc. vi. 383. Probably Loudoun had this assent, but a foreigner easily makes mistakes in such matters. 2 Montreuil to Mazarin, March lg. Arch, des A/. EtrangZres, lii. fol. 164. 1646 MONTREUIL AND THE SCOTS. 75 but nothing would induce him deliberately to use binding words with the express intention of disregarding them on the plea that the form in which his promise was made did not officially and legally amount to a contract. The distinction may appear to plain minds to be merely one between one form of falsehood and another, but there can be no doubt that it was a very real one to Charles himself. Later in the day Moray handed to Montreuil a paper in which the final engagements expected by the Scottish Com- A final missioners were written down, though merely in engagement his own hand. The demand for even a general approval of the Covenant had disappeared entirely, but in other respects the obligations now required by Moray in the name of the Scots corresponded with that indicated in his own conversation in the morning. 1 On Charles's agreeing to 1 " Les Deputez de 1'Escosse m'ont autorise pour asseurer la Reyne et Monseigneur le Cardinal, que si le Roy de la G. B. veut se retirer en 1'armee des Escossois il y sera receu avec toutes sortes d'honneur et de surete, et y demeurera avec une entiere surete, comme aussy les Princes Robert et Maurice, le Secretaire Nicholas, et Mr. Ashburnham, et les Escossois s'interposeront efficacement pour faire 1'accomodement de tous ceux de son party avec le Parlement d'Angleterre, a la reserve de trois ou quatre qui s'eloigneront pour quelque temps seulement, pourvu qu'aupara- vant que d'aller a la ditte armee : il plaise au Roy de la Gr. Br. escrire deux lettres, 1'une au Parlement d'Angleterre et aux Deputez d'Escosse a Londres, 1'autre au Comite du Parlement d'Escosse, qui sont en Escosse, et en 1'armee des Escossois, par lesquelles il declare qu'il consent que les affaires ecclesiastiques soient establies en la maniere desja prescritte par les Parlements et Assemblies du Clerge des deux Royaumes, et qu'il approu- vera tout ce qu'ils feront a 1'advenir touchant les dittes affaires ecclesias- tiques, consent que la Milice soit disposee en la maniere qu'il a este propose par les Deputez d'Escosse et d'Angleterre a Oxbrige pour sept ans entre les mains de ses Parlements, comme leurs Deputez 1'ont propose a Oxbrige, et qu'il accorde les demandes de la ville de Londres presentees a sa ditte Majeste a Oxford avec promesse de tout ratiffier et establir par actes de ses Parlements et de faire tout ce qui pent contribuer au bien des affaires ecclesiasliques et civiles par 1'advis de ses Parlements, ce qui estant fait les Deputez d'Escosse sont resolus de faire en sorte, que sa ditte Majeste seroit recue en son Parlement et remis en sa dignite, grandeur et autorite. A Londres le l Mars 1646, signe Moray." The second engagement of the Scots. Ranke, Engl. Geschichfe, viii. 174. ;6 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. the terms as they now stood he would be received in the Scottish army. Bearing this missive, Montreuil set out for Oxford on the following morning. He had learnt from the Scots that they March i entertained no doubt of their ability to carry their Montreuil point with the English Parliament. The majority of Oxford. the Peers was on their side, and .the City was no less Hopes of firmly attached to them. The Presbyterian mem- bers of the House of Commons had bound them- selves by oath that if, on the King's betaking himself to the Scottish army, the Independents should refuse their consent to a reasonable settlement, they would join the Scots with an army of 25,000 men. These troops they hoped to levy in the asso- ciated counties, where Presbyterianism was now rampant,possibly because the Independents who found their way into the army at the beginning of the war were, after all, exceptions amongst their neighbours, and certainly because the eastern counties, as a seat of manufacture as well as of agriculture, were anxious for peace, and were annoyed at the burdensome taxation which had been imposed specially upon the Parliamentary counties for purposes in which they were not themselves immediately interested. 1 Whatever might be the result of the proposed appeal to the associated counties, the support of the City seemed to be Collision absolutely certain. As usually happens when bodies ParKment ^ men are Divided u P on som e wide question of and the principle, petty differences of opinion were aggra- vated into causes of grave dispute. On February 13 The e com 3 ' the officers of the militia of the suburbs, the Tower rubu d rba f n the Har lets, Southwark, and Westminster, had remon- strated against a proposal for placing them at the March 5 . orders of the City Committee of Militia. The Com- Ordmance for Presby- mons did their best to smooth away the difficulty, and on March 13 appointed a committee to con- Commons. sider how the suburban forces could be placed under the command of the City authorities in some way which would avoid giving offence to either party. 2 A far 1 Montreuil to Mazarin, March if. Arch, des Aff. Etranghes. 2 C.J. iv. 441, 474. 1646 THE RECRUITERS. 77 more important question was raised by an ordinance for the general establishment of Presbyterianism throughout England, sent up to the Lords on March 5. Of this ordinance one The i 4 th clause the i4th was singled out by the high Pres- ciause. byterians for animadversion as introducing the au- thority of the State where they wished to see nothing but the authority of the Church. Whenever the eldership came to the conclusion that a scandalous offence, which ought to exclude the offender from participation in the Com- munion, had been committed, they were then, if it was not included in the Parliamentary list, to suspend the guilty person for a time, and to report the matter to certain commis- March 13 sioners appointed by Parliament, who were finally The clause to decide upon the case. 1 On the i3th the Lords, passed by the Lords, though not without strong opposition, passed the im- March i 4 . pugned clause, and gave their assent to the whole w"hoie e ordinance on the following day, 2 though it had, in dmance. CO nscquence of amendments made in it, again to come before the Commons. The House of Commons which adopted this ordinance was not altogether the same as that which, in the crisis of the war, The had stood at the head of Parliamentary England. Recruiters. ^ot far short of 150 new members had been chosen, and these Recruiters, as they were called, counted amongst them men like Ireton and Fleetwood, Ludlow and Algernon Sidney, not to mention Henry Marten, whose expulsion was thus virtually annulled. By the sheer weight of numbers, it their votes had been thrown on one side or the other, they would have been able to make an entire change in the balance of parties. Yet it is doubtful whether the complexion of the House was much altered. Still, as before, the Presbyterian party was predominant, if by that name it is intended to in- clude those who desired the establishment of Presbyterianism and were unwilling to tolerate the wilder forms of opinion. Still, as before, the Independent party was predominant, if by that name is meant to include those who would hear nothing of a combination with the Scots to come to terms with the 1 C.J. iv. 464. - L.J. viii. 208, 209. 78 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. King, and who wished to grant some modified form of tolera- tion to those whose opinions were not in all respects identical with those which generally prevailed. The Long Parliament at this period, like the assemblies of the French Revolution, contained groups rather than parties. There was a small group of members in favour of unlimited, or almost unlimited, toleration. There was a somewhat larger group of members in favour of refusing toleration of any kind. There was a powerful group of lawyers, with Selden and Whitelocke at their head, entirely opposed to any scheme for entrusting the clergy with secular jurisdiction even in church matters, except under the permanent control of Parliament. Between the lawyers and the Independents in the stricter sense an alliance was formed, and the general drift of opinion against clerical power was strong enough for the present to give them the mastery. The sentiments of the Assembly in opposition to those of the Parliament were well expressed by Baillie. "We find it Baiiiie's necessary," he wrote, " to say that Christ in the New view of the Testament had instituted a church government dis- tinct from the civil, to be exercised by the officers of the Church without commission from the magistrate." The conduct of the Houses filled him with despair. " The Pope and the King," he added, "were never more earnest for the headship of the Church than the plurality of this Parliament. However, they are like for a time, by violence, to carry it. Yet almost all the ministry are zealous for the prerogative of Christ against them." The crisis had now arrived. The Scottish commissioners, he hoped, and the Assembly together with the City ministers would petition against the obnoxious clause, 1 but that which, by God's help, may prove most effectual is the zeal of the City itself.' 1 On March 14, in fact, the City presented to the Commons March i 4 . its ob J ections to the i4th clause, which, as the ordi- tition y nance was on that dav return ed with amendments by the Lords, was still before the House. It is no matter for surprise that the City was tenaciously Presbyterian. 1 Baillie^ ii. 360. 1646 MONTREUIL AT OXFORD. 79 The fear of ecclesiastical tyranny which was so strong on the benches of the House of Commons had no terrors for the merchants and tradesmen of the City. By filling the elderships those very merchants and tradesmen constituted the Church for purposes of jurisdiction. Whatever ecclesiastical tyranny there was would be exercised by themselves. In the House of Commons the interference of the citizens was treated as impertinence. The petitioners were of n the e ' told that they had broken the privileges of Parlia- ment, and that they must present no more petitions of the kind. 1 After this the Scots were easily able to assure Mon- treuil that they were secure of the support of the Charles s J assent to the City. The keystone of the arch was, however, the Presbyterian . - _,, 1 . combination approbation of Charles, and it was to secure this that the French Agent took his way to Oxford. McwSeuU 7 ' No sooner had he arrived than he discovered that at Oxford, ^g King was as firmly resolved as ever to give no March 22. consent to the establishment of Presbyterianism. opinion of In his letters to his wife Charles characterised the Montreuil. ,, , , . . , . , , efforts made to explain away the promise which he was asked to give as ' Montreuil's juggling.' 2 The time had, however, now come when Charles must nerve himself to some decision. He must have known, if not A decision of the actual surrender of Hopton, at least of the necessary, heavy blows of misfortune which would soon make surrender inevitable. Now, too, arrived news of fresh disaster. Even after the Western army had been definitively cut off from Oxford, Charles had still entertained hopes of rally- Charles's , J military ing round him soldiers enough to enable him to effect a junction with those French auxiliaries for whose coming he still looked with eager expectation. With March 21. this object Astley was already on the march through StowS? at Worcestershire to Oxford with 3,000 men. On the-woid. March 21, in the early morning, he was attacked near Stow-on-the-Wold by the combined Parliamentary forces of 1 Whitacre's Diary. Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 259. 2 The King to the Queen, March 22. Charles I. in 1646, p. 27. 8o THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CH. XL. Morgan, Birch, and Brereton, the numbers on either side being about equal. After a sharp engagement the Royalists were overpowered. As in Cornwall, the King's soldiers had no heart to prolong the war, and at once surrendered in crowds. De- serted by his men, Astley gave himself up as a prisoner. The Astie -s white-haired veteran, seated on a drum amongst his warning. captors, frankly acknowledged that the King's defeat was final. "You have now done your work," he said, "and may go play, unless you will fall out amongst yourselves." l A few garrisons might still, for honour's sake, bid defiance to the victors for a time, but to gather an army in the field was no longer possible for Charles. If it be asked what were the causes which had led to such a disastrous result, the answer cannot be otherwise than a com- plex one. Something may be laid to the account of Charles's Charles's inferior financial position ; something to the reluctance of the classes which furnished his principal supporters to submit to discipline ; something to the ill-feeling which prevailed between the military and the civilian element in his court. Nor was it of little moment that, al- though he had succeeded in enlisting on his side commanders like Rupert and Brentford, whose military talents were un- questionable, he had, in England at least, no one to direct his armies who rose, as Cromwell rose, to the rank of those who are possessed of the rare quality of military genius. Yet, after all, these things were but symptoms of causes of evil more pro- found. Charles's own character was most in fault. His entire want of sympathetic imagination had ruined him in the day of his power by rendering him incapable of understanding the nation which he claimed to govern. It ruined him equally when he was striving to recover the power which he had lost, because he was unable to rouse enthusiasm even in that part of the nation which, through an unexpected concurrence of events, had rallied to his standard. Over those who shared his devotional feelings, especially over such of them as were eye- witnesses of his passive constancy of endurance, his ascen- 1 Rushw. vi. 140. 1646 CHARLES AND CROMWELL g r ' dency was complete. A nation looks for the word of command from a leader who is imbued with its virtues, its passions, and its prejudices. Such a word of command Charles never had it in his power to give. He could criticise his opponents, but he was absolutely devoid of constructive power. Hence it was that in spite of the tendency of a great mer- cantile community to support the cause of order, Charles was never able to win back the allegiance of the London citizens, and left to his opponents the enormous advantages, military and financial, which the City of London had to offer to them, and which more than any other cause contributed powerfully to their success. Hence, too, it was that on the disastrous field of Naseby, when his gallant and well-disciplined infantry was crushed by superior numbers as well as by superior skill, it was found to be composed almost entirely of Welshmen. It was not for nothing that the nickname of Cavaliers clung to his adherents. The bulk of the gentry made common cause with him \ but the bulk of the middle classes, the tradesmen in the towns, the farmers and yeomen in the country attached themselves to his adversaries, whilst the labourers in town and country stood, for the most part, aloof from the struggle, and after a while could no longer be brought by force or persuasion to fight for a King who knew not how to find the way to their hearts. Ruinous as were the defects of Charles's character, they were rendered still more fatal by his positive antagonism to the national spirit. Nothing could be more disastrous to him than his constant appeals to Welshmen, Irishmen, Scots, French- men, Lorrainers, and Dutchmen to assist him in arms. Englishmen, without regard to party, felt the affront, and their indignation quickly made itself perceptible to Charles in the slackening of the arms of his defenders and in the strengthen- ing of the arms of his enemies. Charles grew weak in propor- tion as he sought to make good his claims through Cromwell's combinations outside England. Cromwell grew strong in proportion as he brought the objects at which he aimed into harmony with the grand design of VOL. III. G 82 THE LAST CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST. CM. XL. preserving the national unity and independence intact. That Cromwell should have had at his disposal more skilful com- manders and more energetic and better disciplined soldiers than Charles could gather round him was no more than the natural result of the moral and intellectual difference between them. CHAPTER XLI. THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. IT was ever Charles's habit to meet difficulties with neatly arranged phrases, rather than with a prompt recognition of the 1646. significance of unpleasant facts. Since he had re- ChaHesasics ce i ye d MontreuiPs communication, the Scots had wSm r in to k een out f favour with him, and on March 23, upon ster. the arrival of the bad news from Stow-on-the-Wold, he despatched a request to the English Parliament for permis- sion to return to Westminster, on the understanding that an act of oblivion was to be passed and all sequestrations taken off the property of his supporters. 1 Even had this offer been ingenuous, it simply concealed a demand that the whole civil war should go for nothing, and Character of tna ^ Charles should be allowed to step back on the the request. t nr one, free to refuse his assent to any legislation Re^offh'e which displeased him. On the 26th the Commons Houses. drew up a reply refusing to concede his request until he had given satisfaction for the past and security for the future. In other words, there was to be a mutual understand- ing on the constitutional changes which were to be accepted by both parties before Charles could be permitted to take up the position which he held to be, by indefeasible right, his own. The proposal of the Commons was accepted by the Lords and by the Scottish commissioners, after which, on April i, it was despatched to Oxford. 2 Charles's proposal, in short, had gone far to reconcile the opponents whom he hoped to divide. Already, on March 18, before his message was penned, the Commons had recognised 1 L.J. viii. 235. 3 Ibid* viii. 248. G 2 4 THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. xU. their mistake in reflecting on the conduct of the City, and had expunged from their journals the resolution 1 in which they A ri , x had embodied their feelings of dissatisfaction. 2 On it is sent to t h e 2 A.t\\ the arrival of the Kind's letter completed Oxford. . . .*. i the reconciliation. The citizens were terrified at the the Com- prospect of Charles's return to London before he had bound himself to the constitutional and ecclesi- the astical changes which they desired, especially as the city. Royalists in London had recently been reinforced by hundreds of still more pronounced Royalists, who had flocked into the City to make their compositions with Parlia- ment. On the 26th the Houses urged the City to stand on its guard. The sense of a common danger showed March 26. & The city to itself in a mutual interchange of civilities. The gSTrd. 011 ' ' Commons invited the authorities of the City to be Mutual present at their thanksgiving service for the victories civilities. in the Westj and the City authorities returned the compliment by asking the Commons to dinner. 3 Baillie's remarks on this sudden revulsion of feeling were dismal enough. "The leaders of the people," he moaned, Baillie's " seem to be inclined to have no shadow of a king ; complaint. to naye \fo ert y f or a \\ re ligi O ns ; to have but a lame Erastian Presbytery ; to be so injurious to us as to chase us home by the sword. . . . Our great hope on earth, the City of London, has played nip-shot" in other words,, has missed fire. "... They are speaking of dissolving the Assembly." 4 The sermon on Thanksgiving-day was delivered by that prince of army chaplains, Hugh Peters. At times rising into April 2 . what, compared with the dull platitudes of most of "e? c h hes e a rs the celebrated preachers of the day, almost ascends 2Sig S "ser- into real > if som ewhat incoherent, eloquence, he was mon. entirely without fear of giving offence to any of his hearers. "I could wish," he said, "some of my learned 1 See p. 79. C.J. iv. 479; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 259. s Merc. Civicus. E. 330, 15. 4 Baillie y ii. 362. 1646 HUGH PETERS' S SERMON. 85 brethren's quarrelling hours were rather spent upon clearing the originals, and so conveying over pure scripture to posterity, than in scratching others with their sharpened pens, and making cockpits of pulpits." In another place he pitilessly represented Charles's court as travailing as a woman with child with its great design for the overthrow of the Parliament. " And then," he continued, " before the birth, what throes and pains ! Send to Denmark, run to Holland, fly to France, curse Digby, im- prison Hamilton, &c. ; and then all help is called in for midwifery entreat friends here and there, pawn jewels, break and close with Irish even in a breath anything for help hazard posterity engage in marriage, 1 and as she did roar out, 'Give me a child, or I die!' and that miscarriage we are this day to praise God for, and wonder at." If their enemy were indeed such a one as this, let those who had opposed him in the field be deaf to his pleadings for an insidious peace. Yet it was not with political considerations alone that Peters was concerned. He had thoughts for the salvation of the profane and the sinner. " Men and brethren," he cried, "whilst we are disputing here, they are perishing there, and going to hell by droves. If I know anything, what you have gotten by the sword must be maintained by the word I say the word, by which English Christians are made; in other countries discipline makes them so. Drive them into a church together, and then dub them Christians; you will find too much of this abroad, and hence it comes to pass that most of their religion lies in polemics, which is the trade we are likely to drive if God prevent not." What Peters asked for was not stricter discipline but more attractive preaching. Nor were men's bodies to be neglected. Why, he asked, was not the Charterhouse employed in helping the widows and orphans of those who had been slain in the war? Why were there so many beggars in the City? Why could not the courts do justice more quickly? and, as a means thereto, why could not the language of the law be English instead of French that 1 Referring, I suppose, to the latest matrimonial project. The Great Mademoiselle, being a Roman Catholic, would if married to the Prince hazard posterity. 86 THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XLI badge of conquest ? There might even be ' two or three friend- makers set up in every parish, without whose labour and leave none should implead another. Why, he asked again, were poor debtors to be kept in prison ? Why, finally, should men's names be exposed to detraction ? He did not, indeed, ask for punishment. He had learnt better things from the Lord General. " Let us look to our duties," Fairfax was accustomed to say, " and the Lord will care for our reproaches." l No one who has read this sermon will be at a loss to know why the man who preached it was favoured alike by Fairfax Character of an( ^ Cromwell. There was no canting fanaticism the sermon, here. There was distrust of an intriguing enemy, but, for the rest, there was an appeal to all who came within the influence of the preacher to leave windy disputations for a religion which manifested its reality in abounding well-doing, especially in the direction of social reform. As a matter of fact Peters's suspicion that Charles was not straightforward in his request to come to London was per- March 23. fectly well-founded. On March ^3, the very day on nds e a s which his letter to the Houses had' been despatched menage to ^ rom O x f r d, ne dictated to Montreuil a secret mes- the Scots, sage to the Scottish commissioners in London, which, though it contained no direct promise that he would do anything they wished him to do, might serve to keep them in hope of his possibly doing it at some future time. " First," so ran the words, " as concerning church government, we do really promise that we shall give full contentment therein as soon as we come to London, so as in the meantime you give us satisfaction which we shall be willing to receive that what you desire therein shall not be against our conscience." In case of a refusal of his offer to come to Westminster, he would betake himself to the Scottish army on receiving assurance that he would be there secure in conscience and an^offer 24 ; honour ' On the next dav he added that as soon as surrender 5 1 tms assurance reached him he would surrender Newark into their hands. Nor was London forgotten in Charles's promises. He offered to satisfy the demands which ' God? s doings and Mari s duty , 114, e. 15. 1646 MONTREUIL? S DIPLOMACY. 87 the City had made at Uxbridge, especially in respect to the command of the militia. 1 On the 27th Montreuil, in Charles's name, pressed the Scots for a reply. 2 Though their answer has not been pre- March 27 . served, there can be little doubt that they gave pisslSVor a assurances that if the King placed himself under the reply. protection of their army he should be secure both in conscience and honour ; though it is most unlikely that they allowed anything of the sort to appear in their own hand- April i. writing. 3 The result was that on April i engage- ^f n e nga h g T- ge ments were exchanged between Montreuil and the ments. King. The French Agent promised in the name of the King of France and of the Queen Regent that, if Charles ' put himself into the Scots' army, he ' should ' be there re- ceived as their natural sovereign, and that he ' should ' be with them in all freedom of his conscience and honour . . . and that the said Scots shall really and effectually join with the said King . . . and also receive all such persons as shall come in unto him, and join with them for his Majesty's preservation ; . . . and that they shall employ their armies and forces to assist his Majesty in the procuring of a happy and well- grounded peace . . . and in recovery of his Majesty's just rights.' Charles on his part promised to take no companions with him except his two nephews and John Ashburnham. " As for church government," he added, " as I have already said, I now again promise that, as soon as I come into the 1 The King's messages, March 23, 24. Clar. St. P. ii. 218, 219. 2 The King's message, March 27. Ibid. ii. 220. 3 Clarendon in his History (x. 26) says that Montreuil visited the Scottish army before he made the engagement. This is, however, an evident mistake, first, because there was hardly time to do it between the 27th and the ist ; and, secondly, because not only had his communications hitherto been with the commissioners in London, but the Frenchman's letter of April 1 1 shows that up to March 25 the commissioners with the army knew nothing about the affair. Montreuil to Mazarin, April |i. Arch, ties Aff. Etrangeres, Hi. fol.. 227. Clarendon's account of the Scottish commissioners with the army waiting for Loudoun's arrival shows that he was really thinking of the modification of the Scottish terms made on March 16, after Loudoun's arrival in London, See p. 75. 88 THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XLI. Scots' army, I shall be very willing to be instructed concerning the Presbyterian government, whereupon they shall see that I shall strive to content them in anything that shall not be against my conscience." l A question might one day arise whether the Scottish com- missioners in London had any right to bind their Parliament Faults on an ^ nation. However this may have been, there both sides. was undoubtedly a want of straightforwardness on both sides. The Scots did not urge the King's acceptance of Presbyterianism as a necessary condition of the help which they were prepared to offer. The King talked of contenting the Scots about church government as far as his conscience would allow, and of being instructed in the Presbyterian system, without stating that he had resolved never to abandon Episcopacy. If we knew all, we should probably come to the conclusion that both parties were trying, perhaps to some extent unconsciously, to outwit one another. Charles was hardly able to conceive it possible that the Scots, when he was once among them, would really insist on the establishment of Presbyterianism in England, and the Scots were hardly able to conceive it possible that, considering all that was at stake, Charles would ultimately refuse to establish it. Neither spoke clearly or openly on the all-important subject. In such a case it is the weakest who goes to the wall ; and Charles was cer- tainly not the strongest. Of all this Montreuil seems to have had no conception. On April 3 he took the road towards Newark, in full confidence April 3. that, as had been agreed in London, 2 Leven would JJSST 11 despatch a body of cavalry to meet the King. He Newark. was to tell the Scottish commanders that Charles would leave Oxford on the yth, and would expect to meet his convoy at Harborough on the 8th. When Montreuil reached the army on the 5th he found that all his work must be begun afresh. Balmerino, who was 1 The King's promise, and Moatreuil's engagement, April i. Ctar. St. P. ii. 220. 2 Montreuil to Mazarin, March 2. Arch, des Aff. Etrans&res. Hi. fol. 169. 1646 A HARD NEGOTIATION. 89 to have come from London to persuade the commissioners with the army and the officers to receive the King, had not Aprils, arrived. On inquiry, it appeared that, as the day Sppobl" was a Sunday, he had halted thirty miles short of Newark to keep the Sabbath. Montreuil, to whom keeTth" ^e scru pl es of a Scotchman were inexplicable, rode Sabbath. off to hasten his coming. Balmerino, when at last he appeared, argued but feebly in support of the plan to which he had assented in London. The Scottish officers not only re- fused to send the required escort, but even hindered Montreuil from despatching a messenger to inform Charles of their refusal. For some days the French Agent feared that Charles might already have set out from Oxford, and have been cap- Montreuii's tured by the enemy for want of a convoy. He was finally relieved by a letter from the King telling him t ^ at ^ e kad postponed his journey. At last, on the J ' U st n oned 1 5th, Montreuil was able to forward somewhat better tidings. Loudoun had come down to Royston, and Modified 5 ' had there had an interview with Dunfermline and offSIdby Balcarres, 1 two of the Scottish commissioners with the army. The result was a proposal to receive the King into the army, on the understanding that to avoid giving offence to the English Parliament, he should give out, when he arrived, that he was on his way to Scotland, and had merely halted in the camp. The Scots professed themselves still ready to receive the two Princes and Ashburnham, but only on condition that, if their surrender were demanded, they would leave the country rather than bring their hosts into trouble. If these terms were accepted the Scots would send an escort as far as Burton, and a few horsemen might push on presb to Bosworth, but to send men to Harborough was terianismto out of the question. " As to the Presbyterian government," they added, " they desire his Majesty to grant it as speedily as he can." 2 1 The name is inserted from the copy of Montreuil's letter to Nicholas in the Arch, des Aff. ElrangZres, Hi. fol. 216, where Balcarres is called 'Bacara.' 2 Montreuil to Mazarin, April ij, Arch, des Aff. Etrangercs, Hi, fpl 90 THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XLI. The situation was now clear. Whatever inferences Charles may have drawn from the communications of the London commissioners, he would be now wilfully blind if he misunder- stood the peremptory nature of the demand for the establish- ment of Presbyterianism in England. Yet it was this which he had firmly resolved to oppose to the uttermost. On the 1 3th he delivered to his chaplain, Gilbert Sheldon, Charles's 3 ' a written vow declaring his resolution that if ever he was restored to power he would give back to the Church its right to all impropriations and to all Church lands hitherto in possession of the Crown, and would thereafter hold them from the Church at such fines and rents as might be fixed by a conscientious arbitrator It is impossible to sup- pose that Charles intended to restore this property to any Presbyterian body. 1 The paper on which this solemn obliga- tion was written was buried by Sheldon, and remained in the earth till after the Restoration. Charles's anxiety to retain the services of Montrose was no less incompatible with an understanding with the Scots than was his resolution to maintain Episcopacy in England. For some months Montrose had been hanging about the Highlands with a scanty follow- ing. Now that he had lost the Macdonalds, and that their war against the Campbells was being carried on under another leadership than his own, he had done his best to secure the co-operation of Huntly. The old difficulty stood in his way. Huntly was too great a man to put himself under Montrose's orders, and Montrose could hardly be expected to serve under April is. a nobleman who had never given proof of courage or vhes S him capacity. 2 Charles had thought of smoothing away tojojn the the diffi cu i t y by appointing Montrose his ambassador nanters. to tne F ren ch court, but he still hankered after the idea of uniting him with the Covenanters. On the i8th he 227; Montreuil to Nicholas, April 15 or 16 ; Messages to the King, April 1 6, Clar. St. P. ii. 221, 223. 1 The King's vow, April 13. Clar. MSS. 2,176. Printed in the appendix to Eachanfs History ', p. 5. 2 Wishart, ch. xx. ; Patrick Gordon, 177. 1646 CHARLES DISAPPOINTED. 91 wrote to urge him, if Montreuil should send him favourable news, to combine his own forces with those of the Covenanters and to hasten to his relief. 1 On the following day 2 Charles heard from Montreuil that the Scots expected him to establish Presbyterianism, and that April i 9 . they would not consent even to allow him to send hea'rsofthe Montrose to Paris. "The Scots," he complained fhangeof to ms wife* " are abominable relapsed rogues." 3 front. Yet without the help of the Scots his position was His danger, well-nigh desperate. Forces under Fleetwood and Whalley were already gathering round Oxford, and they would before long be joined by Fairfax's victorious army from the West. A new project flashed across Charles's mind. On the April 22 22nd he resolved to escape to Lynn. How he He resolves expected to make his way into the place there is refuge in nothing to show, but he assured the Queen that when he was there he would attempt to procure 'honourable and safe conditions from the rebels.' If that failed he would join Montrose by sea, and if that resource failed also he would escape to Ireland, France, or Denmark. " If thou nearest," he added in a postscript, " that I have put myself into Fairfax's army, be assured it is only to have the fittest opportunity of going to Lynn in a disguise, if not by other ways." 4 If Charles had tarried much longer at Oxford, he would soon have come into collision with the army against which he March i was so stron gty prejudiced. On March 31 Fairfax Exeter " returned to the lines round Exeter, and summoned Sir John Berkeley to surrender. Berkeley, cut off as he was from hope of succour, agreed to treat. The articles of April 9 . surrender were signed on April 9. The little Prin- ^relfde? cess Henrietta and her governess, Lady Dalkeith, were to remain in any place of England which it pleased the King to appoint. Neither the cathedral nor any 1 The King to Montrose, April 18. Clar. St. P. ii. 224. 2 The King to the Queen, April 22. Charles I. in 1646, p. 37. 3 The King to the Queen, April 21. Ibid. p. 36. 4 The King to the Queen, April 22. Ibid. p. 37. 92 THE KIN&S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XLI. other church was to be defaced. The garrison, which was to march out fully armed with all the honours of war, was per- mitted to betake itself to Oxford unless it preferred to disband. There were further concessions made to the lords and gentle- men who had taken refuge in the city, amongst whom was the detested Bristol. That which distinguished this capitulation q . i from all others was, however, a provision that ' no exemption oath, covenant, protestation, or subscription ' was to from oaths .... and cove- be imposed on any person within the walls. To this article Thomas Fuller, who had been in the city during the siege, owed it that he was able to continue preach- ing during the rest of the civil troubles, without being required to take the Covenant. On the 1 3th the Parliamentary forces entered the capital of the West, Cromwell taking good care that the terms granted April i 3 were observed. Fairfax had not waited for the com- lxe?er der f P^ 011 * tne formalities. Hurrying off to Barn- staple, he soon brought its garrison to terms. On Sun^nde?' tne 2 tn ' tne fortifications having fallen into the sta^eTnd nan d s of the besiegers, the place surrendered, and on bunster the same day Dunster Castle gave itself up to Blake. St. Michael's Mount had already submitted on the andofst 5 ' r 5 th - The little fort of Salcombe held out for about Michael's three weeks longer, and then the Castle of Penden- nis was the only unconquered stronghold in the West. Fairfax was already on the way to lay siege to Oxford. l If Charles had been in earnest with the schemes of tolera- tion which he from time to time proposed, he would surely Charles and have discerned the significance of the article exempt- rmy ' ing the besieged at Exeter from the obligation of taking the Covenant. That he was not, under such circum- stances, attracted to the army is strong evidence that his talk about toleration never went deeper than his lips. Whilst the The Scots infatu ated King inclined rather to the Scots than to Parliament. the army ' events wcre occurring in London which drew the Scots towards the King. The temporary withdrawal of the City from its alliance with them 2 had delivered 239. - See p. 84. 1646 THE MANIFESTO OF THE COMMONS. 93 their commissioners over to the mockery of the Independents and Erastians, whose alliance dominated the Commons. Re- solved to stand up in their own defence, on April 7 The Scots they presented to the Houses a paper urging the im- portance of speedily coming to terms with the King, ent ' and suggested that a committee might discuss with them each point of the proposed articles. If this were done, the propositions on religion might be agreed to in a few days, and * a method for a model of uniformity in church govern- Apriiu. merit' discovered. 1 On the nth, without waiting puhii!h their f r a re Pty> tne Scots not only sent to the press this papers. paper and two others, which they had formerly pre- sented, but added a preface, written by David Buchanan, in which every point which had been raised by them against the April 13. English Parliament was set forth succinctly. On the monster * 3 tn tne Commons ordered the whole publication to buJ-t tobe be burnt ; and though subsequently the Lords re- stricted the execution of the order to Buchanan's Only the preface, the condemnation of the attitude taken up preface to . . T , . , be burnt. by the Scots was hardly less complete.^ On April 17 the Commons replied to the manifesto of the Scots by a counter-manifesto. They protested their desire to A P Hi 17. settle religion in accordance with the Covenant, ' to 5 e the ratl n maintain the ancient and fundamental government Commons. o f fa[ s kingdom, and to lay hold on the first oppor- tunity of procuring a safe and well-grounded peace .... and to keep a good understanding between the two kingdoms.' Then, entering into details, they declared that the future church government was to be Presbyterian * saving in the point The church of commissioners.' It was impossible for them to terian Presby " ' consent to the granting of an arbitrary and unlimited but under power and jurisdiction to near ten thousand judica- Pariiamen- tories to be erected.' Presbyterian the church was tary con- . . troi, to be, but it was to be Presbyterian in due submis- mission to the authority of Parliament. If so far satisfaction 1 L.J. viii. 256. - Some Papers of the Commissioners of Scotland, E. 330, I ; C.J. ir. 506; L.J. viii. 277, 281. 94 THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XLI. was given to the Erastians, satisfaction was given to the Inde- pendents by that which followed. " Nor," continued and with a J . . . ' . moderate the manifesto, in words which were only inserted on a division of sixty-seven to forty-one, so scanty was the attendance when even important questions were at issue, " have we yet resolved how a due regard may be had that tender consciences, which differ not in any fundamentals of religion, may be so provided for as may stand with the Word of God and the peace of the kingdom." In matters of state the House professed its intention of abiding by the old form of government by King, Lords, and Pro osed Commons, and of asking no more of the King than settlement that he should abandon to Parliament such powers of the State. , , . - ... as were needed to make a recurrence of civil war impossible. Justice was to be administered by the courts of law, and the subject to be, as soon as was possible, eased of his burdens. After taking this rosy view of the political situa- tion, the Commons addressed a final defiance to the Scots. The Cove- They were st iH ready, they declared, to observe the nanttobe Covenant, but they expected 'that the people of expounded J . . by Pariia- England should not receive impressions of any forced constructions of the Covenant, which, in case of any doubt arising, is only to be expounded by them by whose authority it was established in this kingdom.' l Whilst the Commons, falling, in their animosity against the Scots, under the guidance of the Independents, were thus The Com- carrying on a paper war, they were contemptu- the n ASem- ously setting their foot upon one of the two but- tresses of Scottish power in England, the Assembly t P h e eAss n em f of Divines - In their wrath against the appointment of commissioners to decide on ecclesiastical offences, the divines had presented a petition, in which they asserted April ii. that ecclesiastical jurisdiction was, by Divine right, vested in the Church. On April n the Houses brr b h e of voted this petition to be a breach of privilege, privilege. 2^ on fa e j^ a pp O i n ted a committee to draw up questions to be submitted to the Assembly. 2 Already 1 C.J. iv. 512. 2 Ibid. iv. 506, 511. 1646 THE ASSEMBLY INTERROGATED. 95 by the 22nd the questions were prepared, which if we may judge by internal evidence originated in the critical mind of April 22. Selden. Did the Assembly mean that 'parochial fo?the ns an( * congregational elderships appointed by ordi- Assembiy. na nce of Parliament, or any other congregational or presbyterial elderships,' were of Divine right ? Then followed a string of similar interrogatories, ending with a request that the answers given might be followed by Scripture proofs. 1 It is needless to pursue the unequal struggle further. Par- liament was as disinclined as the Tudor kings had ever been to allow the establishment in England of a church system claim- ing to exist by Divine right, or by any right whatever inde- pendent of the authority of the State. On the 23rd, the day after that on which these questions were brought in, Cromwell once more took his place at West- . minster, and received the thanks of the House for Cromwell his extraordinary services. 2 The political situation receives the , thanks of must have been almost as much to his mind as was theHouse ' the military. The events of the last few days had strengthened the hands of Parliament in dealing with the King. On the 22nd Charles, A ril22 doubtless in pursuance of the project which he had Charles announced to the Queen, of making his escape by throwing Fairfax's army off its guard, 3 sent a mes- sage to Ireton through some Royalist officers who had passes to go beyond sea, and were visiting Oxford on their way. The King, they declared, was ready to come in to Fair- fax, and to live wherever Parliament might direct, ' if only he might be assured to live and continue king still.' Ireton at once refused either to discuss a political question with the Iret0 n officers or to allow them to return to Oxford. All stiy e to the tnat ne wou ld do was to acquaint his superior officers Cromwell. w j tn their proposals, and he accordingly wrote to Cromwell telling him all that had passed. 4 1 C.J. iv. 519. 2 Ibid. iv. 520. 3 See p. 91. 4 Ireton to Cromwell, April 23. Gary, Memorials of the Civil War, i. i. 96 THE KIN&S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XLl. It was not much to do, yet even this was more than Crom- well approved of. Hitherto he had been a Parliamentary April 25. general in the fullest sense of the word, setting his blamed by ^ ace against every attempt to bring political questions Cromwell, within the cognisance of military authorities, and he now, from his place in the House, denounced Ireton as worthy Fairfax not of reproof. It was at his instigation that Fairfax was oveimTes instructed to forward to Westminster any letter which for peace. came into his hands with the King's signature, and to take care that neither he nor anyone under his command listened to any overture for peace from whatever quarter it might come. 1 The close combination which now existed between Parlia- ment and army was by no means to the taste of the English An overture Presbyterians. Some of them had recently besought Charles to take up his dropped negotiation with the Scots, and on April 24 Nicholas begged Montreuil . to convey to the Scottish commissioners in London answered ' assurances that the King was still ready to take King! refuge in the Scottish army, if only he could be received on fit conditions. 2 Charles could not afford leisurely to await the issue of a lengthy negotiation. Colonel Rainsborough was attacking April 25. Woodstock, and on the 25th Charles sent to him the itempt to Earls of Lindse y an d Southampton, nominally to w e ifh"he e arran ge for the surrender of the place, but in reality army. to ask him to take the King's person under his pro- tection till Parliament could be applied to, and even to engage to defend Charles and his servants if the answer of Parliament should prove unsatisfactory. 3 Charles waited in vain for a reply from Rainsborough, and a fresh attempt to win over Ireton proved equally unsuccessful. 4 A letter from Montreuil turned the hopes of the unhappy King in another direction. " The disposition of the Scottish com- 1 CJ. iv. 523; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 266b. - Nicholas to Montreuil, April 24. Clar. St. P. ii. 225. a Instructions to Lindsey and others, April 25. Clar. St. P. ii. 228. * Ashburnhani's Narrative, ii. 71. 1646 CHARLES'S LEAVE-TAKING. 97 manders," wrote the French envoy from the camp before Newark, " was all that could be desired." They had already Acom- detached some troops towards Burton to look out fromMon" for the King. 1 Nothing was said about the Scots treuii. abating their demands for the establishment of Presbyterianism, but, with Fairfax approaching and a siege of Oxford imminent, Charles was ready to catch at any straw. A Late in the evening of the 26th he assembled his Charles council, and assured them that he had made up his of iS ea mind to go to London. If they did not hear of him in a fortnight or three weeks, they had his leave to make the best conditions they could. 2 Of the Scots he did not breathe a word, knowing well that he would only rouse opposition by mentioning the design on which he was really bent. It is possible, however, that he had not finally made up his mind as to the course which he was to take. A direct ride to the Scottish camp was in any case im- possible. Dr. Hudson, one of the royal chaplains, who knew Dr. Hud- the country well, and had been employed in carrying son's advice. i etters between Charles and Montreuil, warned the King that his only chance of reaching Newark without interrup- tion lay in his taking at first the direction of London. At April 27. three in the morning of the 27th Charles, disguised as a servant, with his beard and hair closely trimmed, Oxford, passed over Magdalen bridge in apparent attendance upon Ashburnham and Hudson. " Farewell, Harry ! " called out Glemham to his sovereign as he performed the Governor's duty of closing the gates behind him. 3 The little party rode leisurely on through Dorchester, Henley, and Slough, putting 1 Montreuil to Nicholas, April 20. C/ar. Si. P. ii. 224. Ashburn- ham in his Narrative (ii. 71) says that Montreuil's letter, apparently received on the 26th, * did import that all difficulties were reconciled, and Mr. David Leslie, their Lieutenant-General, had orders to meet his Majesty with two thousand horse at Gainsborough.' The last word is an obvious blunder for Harborough. The message appears to have related to military movements, and does not appear to have touched on religious concessions. 2 Narrative of affairs. C/ar. MSS, 2,240. 3 Payne to Browne. Gary, Mem. of the Civil War, i. 12. VOL. III. H 98 THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH XLI. CHARLES 1, After Jus escape from 1646 CHARLESES WANDERINGS. 99 the guards on the road in good humour by small gifts of money, and exhibiting a pass bearing Fairfax's signature, which be- and takes longed to some officer who had received leave to to^rd? make ms composition in London. Between ten and London. eleven Charles rested for about three hours at Hil- lingdon, where time was consumed in a discussion whether it would be more prudent to make for London or to turn north- wards. It is possible that he expected some message from London to meet him here, either, according to a rumour which prevailed at Oxford, from the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, or, as Ashburnham afterwards stated, from the Independent leaders. It would only be in consonance with Charles's character if he expected tidings from both. However this may have been, no He turns communication reached him, and, sadly acknowledg- northwards. j n g fa^t it would be useless to arrive uninvited in London, he turned his horse's head, and riding through Harrow and St. Albans, he halted at Wheathampstead for the night. On the morning of the 28th Hudson was despatched to Montreuil, whom he found quartered at Southwell, to urge April 28. hi m to demand a written assurance from the Scots s "nt d t s o n tnat the y would receive the King on conditions Montreuil. satisfactory to himself. Charles, meanwhile, rode on towards Norfolk, with the evident intention of throwing himself into Lynn, in order to leave England by sea should Charles It' the answer of the Scots prove contrary to his wishes. On the 3oth he reached Downham and waited for news. 1 Whilst Charles was making for Downham, Montreuil was 1 Hudson's examination. Peck's Desiderata Ctiriosa, 358. On May I Montreuil wrote to Du Bosc (Arch, des Aff. Etrangeres, lii. fol. 260) in cipher that the King was at Cots, ' en lieu d'ou il pent aller en France, en Escosse, ou en Dannemarc.' In a letter of May n Du Bosc doubts whether the decipher of Cots was correct. ' Lynn,' being also composed of four letters, was doubtless the word intended. Compare a letter from Corbet and Walton to Lenthall, in Hearne's edit, of Morin's Chronicle of Dunstable, ii. 799. The King was never actually at Lynn, but Mon- treuil may have thought that he had reached it. H2 too THE KIN&S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XLI. urging the Scots to put their engagements to the King into writing. To this request the Scots returned a per- The Scots , 11 i i i j -I refuse to emptory refusal. All that they would do was to written allow Montreuil to draw up a written form to which they verbally expressed their assent. A copy of this form was given by the French Agent to Hudson to carry to the King, and, according to a statement subsequently made by the bearer, it ran as follows : " i. That they should secure the King in his person and in his honour. " 2. That they should press the King to do The verbal J . . engagement nothing contrary to his conscience. "3. That Mr. Ashburnham and I should be protected. "4. That if the Parliament refused, upon a message from the King, to restore the King to his rights and prerogatives, they should declare for the King, and take all the King's friends into their protection. And if the Parliament did con- descend to restore the King, then the Scots should be a means that not above four of them should suffer banishment, and none at all death." l That the Scots were glad to allure the King to come amongst them may be taken for granted, and it may perhaps be accepted as equally certain that they had no What was x A J J the meaning conception how insuperable was Charles's objection of the Scots? T , J to rresbytenamsm. Nor was it altogether their fault that they fell into the mistake. Charles had, at all 1 Montreuil's despatch of May i| (Arch, des Aff. iLtrangeres) gives an account of the paper to which the Scots verbally assented, which agrees with that given by Hudson in his examination, and printed in Peck's Desiderata Curiosa 361. Unfortunately the secretary whose duty it was to put Montreuil's letter into cipher omitted a few words, and the im- portant passage relating to the message to be sent by the King was thus left out. We have therefore only Hudson's evidence to fall back on. He himself tells us that the terms as he states them were given him by Montreuil, and it is to be supposed that he had the paper still with him when he was examined. The agreement between his account and that of Montreuil as far as it goes is strongly in favour of the theory of his sub- stantial accuracy. 1646 AN AGREEMENT WITH THE SCOTS. 101 events, done his best to cherish their delusion. On March 23 he had promised to give them full contentment on church government if only they could satisfy him that to do so would not be against his conscience. 1 On April i he had declared his willingness to receive instruction as soon as he reached the Scottish quarters. 2 Was it strange if the Scots believed that he was as ready to be converted as Henry IV. of France had once been ? It is likely enough, if this was their belief, that they cared more for getting the King into their hands than for the sincerity of their engagements to him. They had not hitherto shown themselves scrupulous in the matter of veracity in their dealings with the English Parliament, 3 and they may very well have been somewhat unscrupulous in their dealings with the King. Yet there is a possible explanation of their conduct which sets it in a fairer light. In the engagement taken by them at Newark the terms of which were, after all, drawn Charles's by Montreuil and not by the Scots all hung on the obligation. . - . , - . . meaning of the expression in the fourth clause, ' upon the sending of a message from the King.' Unless this message was sent, the Scots would be under no obligation to do anything to restore Charles to the throne. Yet, even if we have Montreuil's exact words, it is incredible to suppose that Charles would have satisfied the obligation under which the French Agent had brought him by sending any message, how- ever little to the point ; by informing Parliament, for instance, that it had been raining at Oxford, or that his horse had cast a shoe. In spite of the indefinite article, if it really appeared in Montreuil's French, a message of a particular kind must surely have been intended, and what other kind of message could have been meant than that which had for some weeks been discussed by both parties ? It was not so very long ago since the Scots in London had urged Charles to write a letter to the two Parliaments granting the establishment of Presbyterianism ; and when Loudoun met Dunfermline and Balcarres at Royston, the demand that Charles should yield about the Church was formally made, whilst, as late as the i5th, Montreuil had 1 See p. 86. 2 See p. 87. 3 See p. 45. 102 THE KING'S FLIGHT TO THE SCOTS. CH. XLI. written to him to urge him to hasten his decision. 1 To this demand Charles had never returned a positive refusal. If, then, both Montreuil and the Scots expected him to grant Presbyterianism, but expected him only to do it after some delay and with the appearance of having been vanquished in argument, it would to some extent account for, though it would not excuse, their talking about ' a message ' in general, when they really meant a message of a very particular kind. 2 Charles, in short, if this explanation be correct, 3 was hoist with his own petard. Intending to deceive, he became de- TheKing ceived. Following MontreuiPs advice to trust the tmstThe* Scots, he determined to make for their camp. Ash- Scots. burnham indeed wished him to take shipping for Newcastle, when he would at least be at a distance from any English army. This advice was, however, overruled, and on May 2 Charles set out from Downham. By a devious route through Melton Mowbray he arrived at Stamford on the even- ing of the 3rd. The next day he kept himself concealed, and Ma then, after travelling all night, 4 alighted at seven in Charles a the morning of May 5 at Montreuil's lodgings in Southwell. 5 He fancied himself to be a guest, but the days of his captivity had in fact begun. 1 See p. 89. 2 That the Scots' commissioners in London still expected the King to write letters announcing his acceptance of Presbyterianism is shown by a letter from Moray, written after the King's arrival in the camp, in which he expresses surprise that the letter has not yet arrived. Moray to Du Bosc, May T 7 ^. Arch, des Aff. Etrangeres, Hi. fol. 272. 3 It is in favour of the view that the message was intended to grant Presbyterianism that in all his subsequent correspondence Montreuil never refers to this engagement as having been broken. His argument always turns on the engagement made through Sir R. Moray. (See p. 73 in which the nature of the message was distinctly expressed. ) 4 Browne's examination. Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, 352. 5 Montague to the Speaker of the House of Lords, May 5. L.J. viii. 305. According to tradition, the house in which the King was received was the Saracen's Head, which boasts, truly or falsely, of having been an inn in the days of Richard I. The sitting-room and bedroom are now thrown into one as the inn parlour, but an oaken beam across the ceiling still marks the place where the partition was. io 3 CHAPTER XLII. THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. WHATEVER may have passed through the minds of the Scottish commissioners when they signified their assent to the terms 1646 which Montreuil forwarded to the King, there can ThfsJots De little doubt that they expected Charles, as soon expect as he came amongst them, to yield to their most Charles to . . _ , . yield. extreme demands. Lothian, on receiving the news Lothian's of his arrival, hurried to Southwell, and imperiously lds ' called on him to command the surrender of Newark, to sign the Covenant, to order the establishment of Presby- terianism in England and Ireland, and to direct James Graham to lay down his arms. To all this Charles positively refused his assent. " He that made you an earl," he sternly replied to Lothian, " made James Graham a marquis." He was, there- fore, removed to Kelham, the headquarters of David Charles re- ' . i /- i moved to Leslie, who was now in command of the army, Leven having withdrawn to Newcastle. He was there treated as a prisoner, sentinels being placed before his windows lest he should communicate with his friends by letter. 1 Assurances Before he left Southwell the Scottish commissioners of the Scots. wro t e to the Houses at Westminster, assuring them that the King's coming had been entirely unexpected, that it had filled them with amazement and made them like Newark ' men that dream. On the following day they gave practical evidence of their wish to remain on good terms with the English Parliament Charles, who knew that Newark was incapable of prolonged resistance, ordered its sur- 1 Sir James Turner's Memoir s> 41, 104 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLII render to the Scots. They, however, refused to accept it, and insisted that it should be given up to the English commis- sioners. Laying aside all question of the personal truthfulness of the Scottish commissioners, it is hard to see how they could have acted otherwise than they did. Charles came of the Scots' amongst them as his grandmother had come to Elizabeth, not merely to seek refuge from imminent ruin, but to rouse them to intervene in arms on his behalf. Whatever this or that Scottish nobleman may have said, or allowed to be said, in his name, it was absolutely impossible to begin war afresh on Charles's conditions. Not only was the Presbyterian feeling too strong in Scotland itself to tolerate the employment of the Scottish army in a war waged for the restoration of Episcopacy, but Leven's soldiers were not pre- pared to face the New Model without the aid of English allies, and their only possible allies, the English Presbyterians, would to a man refuse to take arms unless Charles made the ecclesi- astical concession which they required. If the Scottish com- missioners had not seen this before which there is no reason to suppose they saw it now. All that they could do in the face of the English Parliament, was to repudiate their past dealings with the King, to deprecate a hasty decision, and to retire to a place less exposed than Newark to the forces which Fairfax might bring against them. Accordingly, on May 7 David Leslie broke up from Newark. On the i3th, with his royal captive, he reached May 7 . Newcastle. Unable long to withstand the demands marchnorth- of the English Parliament for the surrender of the King's attendants, the Scots allowed both Ashburn- Thih&Jg'at nam anc * Hudson to escape. Ashburnham made Newcastle, his way to France, but Hudson was retaken in London, and placed in confinement, in order that he might be subjected to a rigorous examination. 2 It was hard to persuade the English Parliament that 1 L.J. viii. 305-311; Montreuil to Mazarin, May if, Arch, des Aff. trangb-es, Hi. fol. 292. 2 Rushiu. v. 271 ; Peck's Desiderata Curiosa 349, 361. 1646 DEMAND OF THE COMMONS. 105 Charles's arrival at Newark had been wholly fortuitous, and they therefore became all the more anxious to rescue his person May 6. from a suspected guardianship. On the 6th the Com- mons resolved that the King's person should be moils - disposed of wherever the English Parliament should appoint, and selected Warwick Castle as his place of residence. The Lords objected, apparently on the ground that Warwick was in the midst of Fairfax's cantonments, upon which the Commons agreed to omit the designation of any particular locality. The Lords, however, refused to concur even with the general proposition, and after much warm language had passed between the Houses the subject was allowed to drop. 1 It was probably a strong sense of the necessity of union, in the face of dangers which might arise in the North, which led May 21. the Commons on May 2 1 to propose that some sub- stitute should be found for the commissioners for Church causes, whose appointment had given so removed. much offence to the extreme Presbyterians. Ulti- June 5. mately, on Tune s. the power of suspending from A substitute J ' J -, , i found. communion was placed in the hands or a committee of both Houses, and for some unexplained reason the change was accepted as satisfactory by both parties. 2 The Independents, who naturally took the lead in all measures directed against the Scots, had the more need to May is walk warily because their majority in the House of h the 1 Suse L or ds, which had hitherto depended on a single of Lords vote, was now transferred to the Presbyterians by terian 7 the act of the aged Earl of Mulgrave, who took his proxy away from Say and entrusted it to Essex. 3 i C.J. iv. 535, 540, 547 ; L.J. viii. 314. - C.J. iv. 552, 562 ; LJ. viii. 359. 3 L.J. viii. 319. A list of the Peers on both sides is given by Mon- treuil (Arch, des Aff. trang2res, Hi. fol. 734). It is undated, but as Essex is stated to hold Mulgrave's proxy it must be later than May 18, and earlier than the death of Essex on Sept. 15. It is as follows : With the King and the Scots Against Manchester Northumberland Rutland Kent Essex Pembroke io6 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLII. In the Commons, on the other hand, the majority, in its Ma ^ hostility to the Scots, was still under the influence of Resolution Independent leadership. On the igth the House Scottish resolved, without a division, ' that this kingdom hath fonger 8 " no further use of continuing the Scots' army within the kingdom of England,' and ordered that ioo,ooo/. should be provided to pay it off. 1 If there was a rift between the English parties, Charles might be trusted to do his best to widen it. His position at The King at Newcastle was one of increasing discomfort. The Newcastle. g cots were ^ a {\y pressing him to declare for Presby- dJn S a c n ts terianism, and, relying apparently on the fact that no engagement, promise in the handwriting of any one of their com- missioners was in his possession, refused to recognise the assurances given by Moray and Montreuil, and boldly averred that he had come into their camp without any agreement what- ever. If the Scots resorted to unblushing falsehood, Charles asks - for Render- Charles fell back upon his old course of raising hopes which he never intended to fulfil. He asked that Henderson might come from London to instruct him, and promised to do his best to receive enlightenment. He also With the King and the Scots Against Lincoln Nottingham Suffolk Salisbury Warwick Denbigh Bolingbroke Middlesex Berkeley Stamford Dacres Say and Sele Willoughby of Parham Wharton Robartes Howard Maynard North Hunsdon Grey Mulgrave (by proxy) Montagu Montreuil states that two days before the list was made out, Pembroke and North had leant towards the King. It will be observed that the numbers here given are equal. Lord Bruce is, however, omitted, who was Earl of Elgin in the Scottish peer- age, and may be safely added to the Presbyterians, thus giving them a majority of one when all the peers were present. 1 C.J. iv. 551. 1646 CHARLES'S APPEAL. 107 requested that Loudoun might accompany Henderson. To gain time was his real object. He intended to despatch Montreuil to France, hoping to induce the French court to intervene in his behalf. 1 In much the same spirit Charles drew up a letter to the Houses. If words ever implied anything, those which he May 18. selected were fitted to convey an impression that he Startothe was on tne P omt f changing his mind. " Since," Houses, he wrote, " the settling of religion ought to be the chiefest care of all councils, his Majesty most earnestly and heartily recommends to his two Houses of Parliament all the ways and means possible for the speedy finishing the pious and necessary work, and particularly that they take the advice of the divines of both kingdoms assembled at Westminster." He hoped that the propositions which they were preparing would speedily be sent, ' his Majesty being resolved to comply with his Parliament in everything which shall be for the happiness to the Scot- of his subjects.' 2 A similar letter was despatched to SJteeTf the Committee of Estates at Edinburgh. 3 Charles, Estates, having at least caught the watchwords of his subjects, and^tothe" a ^ so wrote to tne City declaring his readiness to City. concur in settling truth and peace. 4 With his packet for Westminster he enclosed a letter to Glemham ordering him to surrender Oxford, which, as he was well aware, could not 1 hold out many days longer. 5 For the moment Charles succeeded in throwing the apple of discord amongst his enemies. On the 25th the Lords voted his letter to be satisfactory. 6 On the 26th the City Effect of presented a strongly worded petition calling on the his letters J May 25. ,ffect of ..is letters at West- Houses to suppress heresy and schism, to join in union with the Scots, and to despatch propositions to the King with all possible speed. 7 The Lords commended 1 Montreuil to Mazarin, May if. Arch. des. Aff. JStrangtres, Hi. fol. 292. 2 The King to the Houses of Parliament. L.J. viii. 329. 3 Acts of the Par/, of Scott, vi. 635. 4 L.J. viii. 334. 5 Ibid. viii. 329. 6 Ibid. yiii. 328. 7 The City Petition. Ibid. viii. 332. io8 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLII. the City highly. On the other hand, the Commons were offended with the City authorities for opening a letter from the King without the leave of Parliament. So strong was the feeling of annoyance that the Presbyterians, not venturing to express direct approval of the petition, moved that the citizens should be told that an answer would be given them in con- venient time. Yet this very moderate proposal was only accepted by the House after two divisions. 1 The Presbyterians had still sufficient hold upon the House to hinder an open rupture with the City. In questions invol- Mayzg vm acceptance of the King's overtures they were s una ble to make head against their rivals. They C0lul( i only muster 103 votes against 145 in favour ham. of a resolution, which had come down from the Lords, for sending to Glemham the letter in which Charles had commanded him to surrender Oxford. 2 The capital of the Cavaliers was incapable of prolonging its resistance. On May 9 Banbury Castle submitted to Whalley. 3 On the nth Fairfax, having drawn his lines round Reduction Oxford, summoned the Governor to surrender. )ury> Glemham indeed was ready to repeat the efforts oSi"' which he had made at Carlisle, and to hold out till summoned, every horse and rat in the place had been eaten. It Along was, however, impossible to induce the Royalist lords and ladies who filled the rooms of the departed scholars to take this view of their duty. On the i5th the King's Privy Council declared itself empowered to treat, and at once notified its sense that only one issue was possible by committing to the flames all existing records of the Oxford Parliament, lest they should rise up in judgment against those who had taken part in its proceedings. 4 Negotiations were quickly opened, though in the face of the opposition of the Royalist officers progress was necessarily slow. There was, how- ever, no doubt how matters would end, and Cromwell at least 1 CJ> iv - 555 5 Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 271. * CJ. iv. 558- 3 Whalley to Lenthall, May 9. Gary's Mem. of the Civil War, i. 28. 4 Dugdale's Dioiry. 1646 SURRENDER OF OXFORD. 109 showed his sense that all danger of a fresh outbreak of hostilities was over by sending for his daughter Bridget, that iretonV 5 ' she might be married at Fairfax's headquarters to his favourite officer, Ireton. On June 15 Ireton became the son-in-law of Cromwell. On the day after the wedding it was known in Oxford that a quick surrender was inevitable. The storekeeper announced June 16. that he had only provisions for twelve days more, 6 " there was not powder enough to resist a report. storm. At the same time the soldiers broke out into mutiny in the streets, clamouring for pay which was not forth- coming. Delay was no longer possible, and on June 20 articles of capitulation were signed. For some time the lords of the council had been in fear of their lives from the mutinous soldiery, and now they only succeeded in stilling the tumult by pawning to a Parliamentary officer the insignia of the Garter which had been left behind by Charles. 1 On the 22nd the two Princes, Rupert and Maurice, rode out of the city, and they were followed on the 23rd by the greater part of the noblemen and gentlemen. The garrison June 24. itself marched out on the 24th, when the defences J e h r e s f urren " of the city were then given over to the Parliamentary Oxford commanders. 2 Of the outlying posts, Boarstall and Radcot had already surrendered. Wallingford held out till July 27. 3 By the surrender of Oxford the Duke of York fell into the hands of Parliament. The Prince of Wales alone of the King's children was still at liberty. On April 16 he left of York a e Scilly for a safer and more pleasant abode in Jersey. 4 No sooner was he there than he was assailed by fre- quent messages from his mother urging him to take refuge in France. In singularly thoughtful and vigorous language Hyde 1 The official narrative (Clar. MSS. 2,240) is the primary authority. With this may be compared Dtigdale's Diary, 87, and Wood's History of the Univ. of Oxford, ii. 480. The latter represents the discontent of those who believed that the place had been unnecessarily abandoned. 2 Wood, ii. 485. 3 Sprigg, 261. 4 Hyde to Arundell. Clar. St. P. ii. 229. no THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH." XLII. argued for the Prince's stay within his father's dominions, at least till the approach of actual danger made his position unten- Aprii 16. a ble. The letter was in fact one long protest against of h waf e ^ ie s y stem f dependence on foreign aid, which had done more to wreck Charles's cause than all Scilly for jersey. the efforts of Parliament. The one thing needful, May 20. according to Hyde, was ' the resurrection of English loyalty and courage,' and such a resurrection was out of the question if the heir to the throne was found dangling about the court of France, consorting with Papists, and liable to the accusation of being himself a Papist. It would be time enough to consider the advantages to be gained from French aid whenever the French began to act instead of merely talking. 1 Hyde had on his side all the councillors in Jersey except Culpepper, and he had still sufficient influence with the Prince The Prince to m( ^ uce nml to res i st his mother's entreaties. It remains in would however go hard with him if the Queen appealed to her husband. Of the strength to be gained by relying exclusively on English feeling Charles was absolutely ignorant. All his thoughts since his arrival at New- castle had been directed, not to the adoption of a policy which might rally Englishmen round him, but to the making of meaningless promises which would enable him to gain time to May 2 8. summon foreign powers to his aid. On May 28 he ^nt n to euil despatched Montreuil to lay his case before the France. Queen Regent and the Cardinal. Yet though he was ready to make use of Montreuil as his agent, he turned a deaf ear to his pleadings for the concession of Presbyterianism. The Scots, he assured the Queen, cared more for clipping the royal power in England than for any alteration in the government of the Church. As Charles did not wish his power to be clipped, he was ready to turn for help in another direction. He recommended the Queen to press on Mazarin The Pope the advantage of urging the Pope to support the ' on ' restoration of English Episcopacy in considera- tion of a grant of liberty of conscience to the Catholics. 1 Hyde to Jermyn, May 20. Clar. St. P. ii. 230. 1646 CHARLES AND HENDERSON. in With this notion in his head he was not likely to lay much store by considerations such as those which had Prince weighed heavily with Hyde, and he accordingly directed the Queen to send for the Prince from Jersey, as he no longer considered him to be in safety in the island. For the time Charles's position at Newcastle was easier than it had been. Loudoun and Moray had arrived from London, and by their influence something had been 1 nc strict- ii" Chafes' t0 X strictness of his captivity. 1 On captivity the 2Qth he finally abandoned all hope of inducing the Presbyterian Scots to coalesce with Montrose, and sent orders to the hero of the North to disband n * s tro P s an d to go to France. 2 On the same day The confer- ne began a long controversial argument with Hender- ence with S on, which, if it had no other effect, would serve to Henderson. postpone the day when he would have to speak out on the subject of Presbyterianism. The argument was carried on in writing in a leisurely fashion, and was spread over seven weeks. There can be no doubt that Charles thoroughly en- joyed the opportunity of standing forth as the champion of the Church which he loved. There is evidence in his papers of a strong devotional piety, of the kind which takes pleasure- in resting on well-defined authority and consistent practice, and which loves not to embark on overmuch questioning of the heavenly laws. Henderson's argument, on the other hand, was of the usual Presbyterian type, in no way calling for special commendation. The minds of the two men moved in differ- ent planes, 3 and, after his part had been played at Death of Newcastle, Henderson, whose health was broken, betook himself to Edinburgh, where he died before many weeks were over. 1 Montreuil to Mazarin, j^*, Arch, des Aff. Strangles, Hi. fol. 317 ; the King to the Queen, May 28, June 3, Charles I. in 1646, 41, 43- 2 The King to Montrose, May 29. Napier's Memoirs of Montrose^ ii. 634- a The Papers which passed at Newcastle. E. 1,243,3. H2 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLII. Charles had to endure assaults more difficult to meet than were Henderson's polemics. Twice, on June 5 and 8, the Scottish commissioners were on their knees before Urgency of him urging him to give way. His reply was that he commas" 15 ' was willing to allow the establishment of Presby- terianism in England, and the suppression of ' all the superstitious sects and Independents,' provided that liberty f conscience might be granted to himself and don of his co-religionists. For this purpose it would be Episcopacy. & j enough if bishops were retained in the sees of the South-West, namely, in those of ' Oxford, Winchester, Bristol, Bath and Wells, and Exeter.' 1 It is doubtful whether this extraordinary proposal was made with any serious expectation of its proving acceptable to any- The one. Though Charles asked that it might be sub- negfecTed in mitted to the General Assembly, which was then in Scotland, session, there is no evidence that it was ever laid before the Scottish clergy, and it does not seem to have been and never even heard of at Westminster. The House of Com- wSmSn** mons was indeed in no mood to take into considera- sten tion a scheme which began by arranging for an attack on the Independents, and ended by proposing the erec- tion of an Episcopalian fortress from which it would be easy to make assaults upon Puritanism thus divided and weakened. The leadership of the Independents in the Commons was too firmly established to be easily shaken, especially as it was ... founded on the national detestation of Scottish and Hostility to- wards the French intrigues. On June i the Commons urged Scots in the ... , . _ House of the Lords to assent to the vote of May 19, to the ons ' effect that the Scottish army was no longer needed in England. 2 On the 2nd they passed it is true, by a small 1 Burnet's Lives of the Hamiltons, 369. The true date of this pro- posal is fixed not only by the reference in it to the General Assembly, which, as Professor Masson has pointed out (Life of Milton, iii. 500), was sitting at this time, and not in September, the date assigned by Burnet, but by the direct statement of Montreuil's secretary. Bacon to Montreuil, June ||. Arch, dcs Aff. Etrangeres, Iii. 348. 2 See p. 1 06. 1646 ALARMING NEWS. 113 majority a vote of thanks to a body of Londoners who had presented a petition hostile to the anti-tolerationist petition of the Common Council. 1 Complaints against the cruelty and extortions of the Scottish soldiers were greedily welcomed,' 2 whilst no effort was made to supply the needful pay, the want of which went far to palliate any enormities of which the Scots might have been guilty. If any one member of either House still doubted the complicity of the Scots in the King's escape to Newark, that Tune s. doubt must have been now removed. On June 8 ^epted er ~ there was read in Parliament an intercepted letter, letter. written early in April by the King to Ormond, in which Charles expressly acknowledged that he had received good security from the Scots, not only for their hospitality to himself, but for the employment of their armies on his behalf. 3 information On the same day the Houses received information from Paris. f rom fa e fr agent in Paris, telling them that the accord between the King and the Scots had been arrived at through Montreuil's mediation, and that Digby had just brought tidings from Ireland that the Irish peace had been concluded, and that an Irish army would soon be on its way to join the Scots in an attack upon the English Parliament. The French clergy had at last opened their purses, 4 and had presented the Queen with a sum equivalent to 40,0007. Digby, it was said, was to go to Jersey to conduct the Prince to Ireland, where it was hoped that his presence would rally English, Scots, and Irish round the royal standard. A later communication added that there had been some delay in Digby's enterprise, and that Bellievre, who had been at Charles's court as ambassador in the days of his prosperity, was to return to England in a similar capacity, nominally to mediate a peace between the King and the Parliament, but in reality, as the writer thought, to foster 1 C.J. iv. 560, 561. There were between 5,000 and 6,000 signatures to it. Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 272. 2 Ibid. fol. 272b ; C.J. iv. 567. 3 L.J. viii. 366 ; C.J. iv. 567. 4 See p. 62, Note 3. VOL. III. I ii 4 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLII. irritation between the Scots and the Parliament, and thus to weaken both. 1 By this revelation substantially true as it was the Scots were deeply touched. Their commissioners in London took refuge in blank denial. What the King meant by The Scots . , . . . , r , declare their his letter to Ormond, they said, he was himself best nce ' able to explain. As to its contents, they had no hesitation in expressing themselves freely. " It doth consist in our perfect knowledge," they asserted, " and we declare it with as much confidence as ever we did or can do anything that the matter of the papers, so far as concerneth any assur- ance or capitulation for joining of forces, or for combining against the Houses of Parliament, or any other private or public agreement whatsoever between the King on the one part, and the kingdom of Scotland, their army, or any in their name and having power from them upon the other part, is 2 a most damnable untruth." 3 False as this was, the Scots were at least aware that nothing had passed in writing except under the hands of Moray and Falsehood Montreuil, and it was certain that neither Moray of the nor Montreuil had been commissioned by the king- declaration. , . f n t i -..T i i dom or the army of Scotland. At Newcastle the shame of detection drove the Scots there to put fresh pressure June 10. on the King, in the hope that the understanding, the puTSpon existence of which their countrymen were repudiating Charles. m London, might at last bear fruit. " I never knew," wrote Charles to his wife on the loth, "what it was to be barbarously treated before." He was told that he must sign the Covenant, and enjoin its signature upon all his subjects. He must, in his own family, abandon the Prayer Book for the Directory, and declare without reserve for a Presbyterian settle- ment. If he refused his assent to these demands, the Scots 1 C.J. iv. 568 ; the Agent at Paris to the Com. of B. K. Gary's Mem. of the Civil War, i. 56, 72. * Printed 'as.' 3 The Scots' commissioners to the Speaker of the House of Lords, June 8. L.J. viii. 364. 1646 ANGRY FEELING. 115 would throw him over and come to terms with the English Parliament. 1 Charles preferred at least an appearance of coming to terms himself with the English Parliament. On the day on which he described his miseries to the Queen he Hetums wrote to the Houses, begging them to hasten the English sending of propositions, and to permit him to come ent ' to London to co-operate in the work of peace. To inspire confidence in his words he enclosed orders directing the commanders of the scattered fortresses still holding out for him to surrender them at once. 2 The Houses were the less likely to be won over by this overture as, at the time when it reached them, they were engaged in an investigation which promised to reveal to them a part, at least, of his past intrigues. Hudson, the King's guide to Newark, had been for some time under examination, and on the i8th he acknowledged that he had come Hudson's' from Newcastle with the intention of crossing to France, in order to bring about a league between the French and the Scots against the English Parliament. 3 Baillie, who was not in the secrets of the Scottish commis- sioners, watched the rising storm of English indignation, and, like the partisan he was, threw all the blame upon thrown on the Independents. " This people," he wrote, " is very jealous, and the Sectarian party, intending only for private ends to continue the war, entertain their humour : ' Let the Scots do and say what they can, yet certainly they cannot be honest. They have a design with the King and foreign nations to betray and ruin England ; therefore let us be rid of them with diligence ; if they will not immediately be gone, let us drive them home with our armies.' " 4 The Scots had been more at fault than Baillie was aware. As readers of Montreuil's despatches know, some, at least, of their leaders had been prepared for the outbreak of a fresh 1 The King to the Queen, June 10. Charles I. in 1646, 45. 2 The King to the Houses, June 10. L.J. viii. 374. 3 Whitacre's Diary. Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 27 40. 4 Baillie, ii. 374. I 2 n6 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLII. civil war, in which they and the English Presbyterians were to bring to reason the Independents and the New Model. The knowledge of these dealings, vague as it yet was, was strength- Growing e nin g tne undoubted preponderance of the Indepen- t s e indl f dents in the House of Commons. They were now pendents. the national party, hostile alike to the French, the Irish, and the Scots, and distrustful of any accommodation with a king in league with foreigners. As an organised opposition the Presbyterians were for the time helpless. Some of them supported the Independents in Weakness their resistance to the Scots, whilst their leaders, baffled in their intrigue by the refusal of the King to accept the one condition on which either the Eng- lish or the Scottish Presbyterians would assist him, took refuge for the time in sullen silence. The Scots themselves were aware that they had committed a blunder, and that if Pres- byterianism was to be advanced in England, they must work for it in co-operation with Parliament rather than in co- operation with the King. To give emphasis to this new policy Argyle himself, the real leader of the nation, appeared upon the scene. Miserable leat soldier as he was, he had a keen eye for political Westmin- tendencies, and when, on June 25, he stood up in the Painted Chamber to address the committees of Ar^k's 25 ' the two Houses which had been appointed to receive him, he was not likely to strike blows at random. After a complimentary exordium he went straight to the point of church government, severing himself both from the sects H;SV . and from the rigid Presbyterians. " Upon one part," on toiera- he said, " we would take heed not to settle lawless liberty in religion, whereby, instead of uniformity, we should set up a thousand heresies and schisms, which is directly contrary and destructive to our Covenant. Upon the other part," he said, "we are to look that we persecute not piety and peaceable men, who cannot, through scruple of conscience, come up in all things to the common rule." Having thus placed himself in accord with the prevailing sentiment of the House of Commons, he proceeded to lay stress 1646 ARGYLE AT WESTMINSTER. 117 on the essential unity of the two kingdoms, * so that in effect we differ in nothing but in name as brethren do which I wish were also removed, that we might be on the union . . , of the altogether one, if the two kingdoms shall think fit; kingdoms, /- T i i i i for, I dare say, not the greatest kingdom m the earth can prejudice both so much as one of them can do the other ' harm. 1 Having thus cleared the way, Argyle approached the burn- ing question of the relations between his countrymen and the and on their King. The Scots, he said, had always borne affec- SlSrfSf tionto his Majesty. "Yet "as, 2 he said, "experi- Kin s- ence may tell, their personal regard for him has never made them forget that common rule, * The safety of the people is the supreme law,' so likewise their love to monarchy makes them very desirous that it may be rather regulated than destroyed." In the end he played his commanding card. He acce ts ^ e P eace -P r P os iti ons > * n ^ e elaboration of which the peace- the Houses had spent so many months, had at last been completed, and had been handed to the Scottish commissioners two days before. Argyle now returned them as accepted without a single alteration. 3 Hearty co-operation with the English Parliament in the establishment of a somewhat elastic form of Presbyterianism Areyie's in the Church, and the establishment, if possible, of policy. constitutional monarchy in the State, were the main lines on which Argyle's policy was drawn. The weak point in it was that it could not be realised without the King. Charles was, in fact, as uncompromising as ever. He knew that the propositions would soon be laid before him. On Charles's ' June 24, the day before that on which Argyle de- intentions. ,. , , . * ,__ . 11-1 J V' livered his speech at Westminster, he disclosed his intentions to the Queen. " It is folly," he wrote concerning the English Parliament, " to think they will go less so long as they see none to resist them, knowing that the Scots will not ; so that all my endeavours must be the delaying my answer till 1 * harm ' is not in the original. 2 ' as ' is not in the original. 3 Argyle's speech, June 25. L.J. viii. 392. n8 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLII. there be considerable parties visibly formed, to which end I think my proposing to go to London, if I may be there with safety, will be the best put-off, if which I believe to be b e tter I cannot find a way to come to thee." l If Charles could not himself go to France, the orders which he had given for transferring his son thither were already in course of execution. Before the end of A message to May the Prince's councillors in Jersey despatched the Queen. Capel an d Culpeppcr to St.' Germains to urge the Queen to desist from her importunate request for the removal of the Prince. 2 Though she failed to persuade Capel of the prudence of her demand, she had no difficulty in winning over Culpepper, who had been a warm advocate of the intrigue with the Scots, and who was easily drawn to support the intrigue with France. On June 20 the pair returned The U prince's to Jersey, accompanied by Digby and others of the removal _ , . , T from jersey Queen s associates, amongst whom was Jermyn. Jermyn brought with him a pressing letter from the Queen to the Prince, begging him to come to her, and he was also able to produce extracts from letters written by the King in support of her entreaties. 3 It was only with difficulty that Hyde and those councillors who agreed with him in opposing the plan obtained an ad- journment of its discussion for a single day. In in favour of private conversation Digby spoke plainly. All their dependence, he said, was on the French, as the Scots The U prince were only to be reached through the French. Unless resolves to t he Prince were in France nothing could be done. Tune 26 ^ was to no P ur P ose that Hyde expressed his entire gy de . and disapprobation of a policy which made the fortunes Hopton of England depend upon a foreign government. On the following morning the Prince was asked to declare his mind. He was probably by this time tired of his residence in a narrow island, and he replied that he 1 The King to the Queen, June 24. Charles I. in 1646, 50. 2 Hyde to Nicholas, June I. Clar. St. P. ii. 236. 8 The Queen to the Prince of Wales, June ig ; Extracts from the King's letters, Ibid. ii. 238, 239. 1646 HYD&S RESOLUTION. 119 meant to obey his parents. On the 26th he embarked for France. Hyde, Capel, and Hopton refused to accompany him. 1 These three men represented the honourable royalism which stooped to no intrigue, and would soil itself by no May 20. baseness. " Truly," Hyde had written some weeks Snt d with n nis before, " whoever enough considers the admirable position. confusion in all three kingdoms, to which in the instant the wisdom of men and angels can hardly find an expedient to apply, will think the station very happy from whence he may without prejudice so long look on, till upon full observation and free counsels such designs may be formed, with all circumstances for prosecution, as good men may confidently undertake and cheerfully persist in." 2 "I will endeavour," he declared a few days later in a Hi s un< letter to his old friend Nicholas, "to follow your resolution. j , j / i good example . . . and, in spite of what can come, do the part of an honest man, and die by those principles I have lived in ; for truly I would not buy a peace at a dearer price than was offered at Uxbridge ; and I am persuaded in my soul, if ever it shall be purchased at a more dishonourable or impious price, it will be more unpleasant and fatal to those who shall have their hands in making the bargain than the war hath been." 3 It was well and wisely said. No concession to Puritanism, still less any seeming concession to Puritanism, could avail Hyde and those who in their hearts believed that Puritanism Cromwell. was an ev ^ t hj n g. Little as there was of genial statesmanship in Hyde, and tied down as he was to the pedantries of the constitutional law, he nevertheless repre- sented, as far as religion was concerned, the only living force with which Cromwell had seriously to count. The English Presbyterian members of Parliament, the Scottish Presbyterian lords, nay, even the King himself, were but the weavers of one 1 Hyde's Memorandum, Clar. MSS. 2,249; Capel, Hopton, and Hyde to the Queen, undated, Clar. St. P. ii. 239. 2 Hyde to Jermyn, May 20. Ibid. ii. 231. 3 Hyde to Nicholas, June i. Clar. St. P. ii. 236. 120 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLH. vast intrigue with many faces. Hyde stood firmly upon the ground of a sentiment which would one day, through the errors of his antagonists, gain a hold upon the nation, and he knew how to bide his time till the nation was ready to declare in his favour. It was not Puritanism, but the very opposite of Puritanism the expansion of the reasoning intelligence which held the main current of the thought of the seventeenth century. Cromwell, mighty as he was, could but dam back that current for a time, and when he had done his utmost he would have toiled only that Hyde might step into his place. Political work there would be none for Hyde for many a year to come. Neither with the enemies of Episcopacy and Hyde's t ^ ie P raver Book nor with the enemies of constitu- strong tional monarchy could he find anything in common, against the " For your Presbyterians and Independents," he assured Nicholas, "I am not yet grown learned enough to know which side to be of, nor charitable enough to know which to pray for. . . . The truth is, I take many who think and find it necessary and safe to pretend to be of one side are indeed of neither ; but they who abhor Presbytery in the Church join with the Independents, and they who tremble at Independency in the State join with the Presbyterians, and yet would be as willing to have the heads of their own party hanged as you or I would. But the first form of either party I take to be as devout enemies to Monarchy, at least to the King and his posterity, as the other ; and therefore I expect no great good from either till they have bettered their under- standings and reformed their consciences by drinking deep in each other's blood ; and then I shall be of your opinion that whosoever shall by God's blessing be able to preserve his conscience and his courage very few years will find himself wished for again in his country, and may see good days again if the Turk in that time prove not strong enough to send them another Covenant." ] Though Hyde's view of the situation was much the same as Charles's, he had none of Charles's restless impatience, and 1 Hyde to Nicholas, Nov. 15. Clar. St. P. ii. 285. 1646 THE HISTORY OF THE REBELLION. 121 he was too much of an Englishman not to be horrified by Charles's tampering with the Irish Catholics. " Oh, Mr. anddis- Secretary," he wrote to the same correspondent, wSfthe 00 " tnose stratagems have given me more sad hours Ki s- than all the misfortunes in war which have befallen the King, and look like the effects of God's anger towards us." l Stranded thus for a time on the beach of politics, Hyde could not endure to fold his hands idly before him. No sooner had he reached Scilly, and all thought of active resist- ance was at an end, than he seized his pen to record, without Hyde begins hP e of influencing the existing generation, the ofthe ist ry events of which he had been a witness, and amidst Rebellion, which his more energetic years had been spent. The work of which the foundations were thus, laid within hearing of the plash of the Atlantic waves was one day, through the stately dignity of its style and its lifelike pour- trayal of character, to be reckoned as one of the masterpieces of English prose. The task taken up in Scilly was carried on in Jersey, 2 and by the middle of August Hyde had completed three books and a part of a fourth, bringing his story down to the unhappy day of the King's flight from Westminster after the failure of his attempt upon the five members. Under such circumstances minute or even tolerable accu- racy was not to be expected. An exile, writing without books or literary materials of any kind, and trusting merely Inaccuracy * / , J of the early to a memory the impressions upon which have been blurred by the influences of political strife, must of necessity depart widely from the truth in every page. That Hyde did not depart from it willingly does not appear merely from his own protestation. 3 When writing of the war itself he 1 Hyde to Nicholas, Feb. 12, 1647. C/ar. Sf. P. ii. 336. 2 The first two books were written in Scilly. See Ranke, Engl. GeschichtC) viii. 217. Compare the Preface to Mr. Macray's new edition of Clarendon. 3 " As soon as I came to Scilly, I began, as well as I could, without any papers, upon the stock of my own memory, to set down a narrative of this prosperous rebellion, and have, since I came hither, continued it, to the waste of very much paper, so that I am now come to the King's leaving London ; in which, though for want of information and assistance 122 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLII. made use of the documents in his own possession, and it can be shown that when he founded his narrative upon them he adhered to them as closely as can be expected. 1 That Hyde's work rose above the level of a party pamphlet on a large scale may be freely granted. If he failed to recog- Was the nise virtue or largeness of mind on the Puritan side, p^'rty^ a ne was lavish enough in distributing blame amongst pamphlet ? t h e Royalists. Yet for all that and it could hardly be otherwise the book is instinct with party feeling. Hyde's party, however, was not that of the Royalists as a body, but of a little group amongst them a church within a church which maintained its principles with uncompromising severity, and which regarded the wiles of Digby or Jermyn, and even though Hyde did not venture to speak his mind out here the shifty weakness of Charles, as evils almost as dangerous as Puritanism itself. Hyde's opening, sentences have none of the Hyde's ring f all-weighing justice. " Though for no other sxordmm. reason," he began in conscious imitation of the first paragraph of the Ecclesiastical Polity? " yet lest posterity may be deceived 3 by the prosperous wickedness of these times into an opinion that less than a general combination and universal apostasy in the whole nation from their religion and allegiance could, in so short a time, have produced such a total and pro- I shall leave many truths unmentioned, upon my word, there shall not be any untruth nor partiality towards persons or sides, which, though it will make the work unfit in this age for communication, yet may be fit for the perusal and comfort of some men, and, being transmitted through good hands, may tell posterity that the whole nation was not so bad as it will be then thought to have been." Hyde to Berkeley, Aug. 14. Clar. MSS. 2,280. 1 This is especially true of his narrative of the Western campaign. In his account of events in London he gives himself up to mere unfounded gossip. "Though for no other cause, yet for this : that posterity may know we have not loosely through silence permitted things to pass away as in a dream, there shall be for men's information extant thus much concern- ing the present state of the Church of God established amongst us," &c. Eccl. Pol. i. i. 3 This is the true reading, as Ranke pointed out, and it is now restored in Mr. Macray's edition. 1646 THE HISTORY OF THE REBELLION. 123 digious alteration and confusion over the whole kingdom ; and so the memory of those few, who out of duty and conscience have opposed and resisted that torrent which hath overwhelmed them, may lose the recompense due to virtue, and, having un- dergone the injuries and reproaches of this, may not find a vindication in a better age ; it will not be unuseful, at least to the curiosity if not the conscience of men, to present to the world a full and clear narrative of the grounds, circumstances, and artifices of this rebellion." l After such an exordium a calm and philosophical narrative is the last thing to be expected. Yet it is not without signifi- His relation cance that at the very opening of his work Hyde to Hooker, deliberately attached himself to Hooker. He was engaged on another stage of that conflict against Puritanism in which the great author of the Ecclesiastical Polity had couched his lance. The combat was more political now than it had been in the days of Elizabeth, but in the main the issues were the same. The ideas of the organic development of the Church, of the power of the trained human intelligence to grasp the significance of Divine laws, and of the application of the whole of man's complex being to the service of his Creator, were handed down by Hooker to his successors, and, though it can hardly be said that the author of The Great Rebellion lived and moved on these ethereal heights, at least something of their influence had fallen upon him. Hyde, in short, was a lawyer His merits wn na d applied himself to statesmanship, and if he and defects, j-^ fa Q defects of his personality, he had also its merits. He could not descry the larger issues to which the work of his generation was tending, and he was bereft of the imaginative power which sometimes enables statesmen to per- ceive what will be the working of forces not yet called into existence ; but he was able to see that in some way or other kingship and Parliamentary institutions must be brought into active co-operation, and that Puritanism was incapable of giving permanent guidance to the nation. His History is chiefly important as a revelation of himself and of the beliefs which outlasted the victory of Puritanism. 1 Clarendon, i. I. 124 THE KING IN CAPTIVITY. CH. XLII. The causes which ultimately made Hyde successful were already visible. The very earnestness of the Independents, offence ^^ tne * r cravm g f r the development of the inward given by and spiritual life at the expense of the laws and tra- the extreme ...'_, indepen- ditions of the past, gave rise in unbalanced minds to manifestations which jarred painfully with the feel- ings of men whose chief guidance was derived from what was outward and customary. On May 5 a deputation of upwards of 2,000 persons from Hertfordshire and Buckinghamshire appeared at the bar of the House with a petition for the abo- lition of tithes. Their request found no supporter, and the Speaker was directed to inform those who made it, that they were ignorant of the laws both of God and the kingdom, and that they must go home and obey them. Some of the members observed that tenants who wanted to be quit of tithes would soon want to be quit of rent. Nine-tenths were due to the landlord on the same ground that one-tenth was due to the minister. 1 june 6. burne Lilburne, too, had again been making himself heard, and Lilburne always contrived to express himself in the most irri- tatin g wa y- Early in June he published A Just Man's justification? in which he assailed a certain Colonel J ti S on fica " ^ n &> wno nac * brought an action for libel against him. Incidentally, he also took opportunity to find fault with the proceedings of the Earl of Manchester, who had June 10. S iven his support to King. On June 10 the Lords Smmoned summoned m ' m to the bar for speaking ill of a mem- Lo f rcis the ber of their House - 3 Lilburne boldly repudiated the claim of the Lords to take cognisance of his He"" case. "You," he said to them, "being Peers, as authority of e vou are called, merely made by prerogative, and never entrusted or empowered by the Commons of England, the original and fountain of power ; Magna Carta^ the Englishman's legal birthright and inheritance, so often bought and redeemed with such great seas of blood and mil- 1 C.J. iv. 534 ; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 268. 2 A Just Man's justification. E. 340, 12. 8 Charge against Lilburne. L.J. viii. 429. 1646 LILBURNE AND THE PEERS. 125 lions of money, hath justly, rationally, and well provided that your lordships shall not sit in judgment, or pass sentence in criminal causes, upon any commoner of England, either for life, limb, liberty, or estate, but that all commoners in such cases shall be tried only by their peers or equals." The Lords at once committed Lilburne to Newgate for contempt. Lilburne appealed to the Commons; but finding June 16. tnat tne y were not inclined to do anything for him, " e t P peals he published the whole story of his wrongs in a fresh Commons, pamphlet, called The 'Freemaris freedom vindicated^ The in which he deliberately charged Manchester with Freeman s ... n , , . , freedom causing his arrest, and asserted his belief in the truth of the charges brought by Cromwell against the Earl after the second battle of Newbury. 1 The the bar.' author being again brought to the bar of the Lords, refused to kneel or in any way to acknowledge their jurisdiction over him. He was sent back to Newgate, and orders were given to prepare a charge against him. On July IT, when brought up for trial, he again refused to kneel, Sentence and on the reading of the charge against him stopped his ears with his fingers. He was adjudged to pay a fine of 2,ooo/., to be imprisoned in the Tower during the pleasure of the House, and to be incapable of holding office during life. 2 The claim of either House to punish criticism on its mem- bers might easily lead to gross abuse. In this case the action of the Lords, so far as it was not the result of exasperation at Lilburne's cool defiance of their authority, may be traced to panic. Lilburne was simply an outspoken exponent of the spirit of contempt for existing institutions, which appeared the more dangerous to those interested in their maintenance be- cause they knew that it was not only widely prevalent, but that it had its strongest support in an important section of the army. 1 L.J. viii. 368, 370 ; The Freeman's freedom vindicated, E. 341, 12. - L.J. viii. 388, 429, 432. 126 CHAPTER XLIII. THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. IT was not merely the special circumstances of the time which stood in the way of the complete realisation of the projects of the Independents. Nations, even in time of revo- er of lution, take no sudden forward leaps, and the task oflhe Pre"- 6 of the Presbyterians in establishing the authority of Parliament over the King, and the authority of the laity over the clergy, was in itself such an enormous stride in advance as to make it in the highest degree improbable that the Independents would gain the approbation of Parliament, or of the country, for the further reforms upon which their hearts were set. The Presbyterians, therefore, in spite of their defeats on all questions relating to war or diplomacy, held their own in the June 9 . House of Commons on all questions relating to the dieted \n be Church. On June 9 the Commons, without a divi- London. s i ori) ordered the elections for the eldership to be held in London, 1 and before many weeks were over the capital was actually brought under Presbyterian government. On July 22 the House practically relieved the Assembly from the burden of answering the obnoxious questions on the Divine right of church government, by directing it to proceed at once to the preparation of a catechism and a confession of faith. 2 If the Independents did not venture to throw obstacles in the way of a Presbyterian settlement, still less did they venture The propo- to impede the continuance of the negotiations with Sin^he 36 the Kin S- On J ul y 6 the Hous es announced in a Kin g- letter to Charles the speedy arrival of their proposi- tions, and they further requested him to direct Ormond to 1 CJ. iv. 569. 2 Ibid. iv. 622. 1646 THE NINETEEN PROPOSITIONS. 127 surrender to them Dublin, Drogheda, and all other garrisons in his keeping. 1 On the i3th Nineteen Propositions equalling in number those which Charles had rejected in TheVare 3 ' 1642 were despatched to Newcastle under the charge of two lords and four commoners. These commissioners were to demand the King's positive consent, and if it was not obtained within ten days after their arrival, they were to come back without entering into further nego- tiation. 2 It is not likely that anything which the Houses could have asked would have been palatable to Charles, but at least nothing was done to make his acceptance easy. He sitions not was to take the Covenant himself, and to consent to accepted. e an Act imposing it on all his subjects ; to accept the Their main abolition of Episcopacy, and 'the reformation of stipulations. religion according to the Covenant ... in such manner as both Houses have agreed or shall agree upon, after consultation had with the Assembly of Divines.' Acts were to be passed for the easier conviction of recusants, for the levying of their fines, and for the education of their children in the Protestant religion, as well as for a stricter course in the sup- pression of the mass. There were also to be Acts against innovations and pluralities, and for correction of divers abuses in the Church. The militia and the fleet were to be controlled by Parliament for no less than twenty years, and even when that long period had come to an end, the Houses were to declare the future conditions of authority over the military and naval forces, and the Bills embodying their resolutions were to become law even if the royal assent were refused. Provision was made for keeping up a good understanding with the Scots. A long list was given of Royalists either entirely or partially exempted from pardon. The Irish Cessation was to be annulled, and the war in Ireland was to be prosecuted in such a manner as both Houses might agree upon. 3 That Charles ought unhesitatingly to have rejected these propositions it is impossible for anyone to doubt who knows what his conscientious belief was. Now, if ever, was the time 1 L.J. viii. 417. 2 Ibid. viii. 423, 433. 3 Rushw. vi. 309. 128 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. to speak his mind out plainly, and, whatever might come of his refusal, to reject decisively a scheme to which he could not in honour assent. It was precisely this outspoken as- Whydidnot . , . . . . . , ' i ui Charles sertion of his position which Charles was incapable of making. He was involved m a new phase of his long intrigue with the French Government, and he weakly thought that he could make his answer to Parliament helpful towards the attainment of his object, even though he refused to carry out the policy which the French were urging upon him. When Digby was at Jersey^ne boasted in conversing Beiiievre's wi tn Hyde of the speedy departure of Bellievre, who mission. was soon to set out from France as ambassador to England at the instance of Henrietta Maria, carrying with him instructions from Mazarin which had been drawn up by Digby himself and other Englishmen. 1 As often happened, Digby had overreached himself. His own production had, indeed, been committed to Beiiievre's charge, but the real instructions upon which the ambassador was to act had been carefully prepared by the Cardinal himself. Digby's paper is chiefly interesting as revealing the ideas which prevailed at the little court of exiles at St. Germains. The Queen's memorandum, as it was called, bore unmistak- ably the impress of Digby's erratic genius. Presbyterianism, it urged, should be frankly conceded, because that was The Queen s * memo- the surest way to set Presbyterians and Independents by the ears. The militia was to be abandoned to Par- liament for a time, to allay the fears of those rebels who dreaded the royal displeasure, but it must eventually be restored to the King. Above all, the Act preventing the dissolution of Parlia- ment without its own consent must be repealed, and the Parliamentary constitution must revert to the principles of the Triennial Act. The government of the country was, in short, to be restored to Charles with the single obligation of meeting a Parliament once in three years, during a session limited at his pleasure to fifty days. Lest the patronage of the Scots should prove oppressive, they were to be persuaded to admit 1 Hyde's Memorandum, Clar. MSS. ; Capel, Hopton, and Hyde to the Queen, undated, Clar. St. P. ii. 239. 1646 HYDE'S PROTEST. 129 Montrose to a conjunction with their army at Newcastle, and to acknowledge Ormond's treaty with the Irish Catholics. If, as was probable enough, the Scots objected to this, Bellievre was to frighten them by threatening to throw the weight of France into the scale of the Independents. No real success was to be hoped for till the Presbyterians and Independents had taken arms against one another. Then France, Ireland, and the Cavaliers would give victory to that which appeared to be the weaker side, and the King would reign in peace through the exhaustion of his enemies. 1 It is unnecessary to point out that this airy scheme was utterly unpractical. Hyde, though he can hardly have been Hyde's acquainted with the memorandum itself, pointed out opinion. m m - s p r i va te correspondence the immorality of its main provision. " For the propositions," he wrote, " whoever understands them . . . cannot imagine that, being once con- sented unto, there are any seeds left for monarchy to spring out of, and the stratagem of yielding to them to make the quarrel the more popular, and to divide the Presbyterians and Independents, is so far above my politics that I am confident a general horror and infidelity will attend the person that submits to them after the infamy of such a submission ; and if I know anything of the King's heart or nature, he will not redeem the lives of his wife and children at the price, though he were sure they would not be consented unto when he had done." 2 , Hyde at least knew the rock upon which all the efforts of Digby and Mazarin would split. Mazarin indeed had other Mazarin objects in sending Bellievre than that of exalting the annlx'the authority of Charles. He was now engaged in a ffether 1 negotiation which, if his hopes were fulfilled, would lands. lead to the annexation of the Spanish Netherlands, and he had already sent an army across the frontier to give emphasis to his diplomacy. 3 Knowing how readily England, 1 Memorandum by the Queen of England. Ranke, EngL Geschichte, viii. 175. 2 Hyde to Berkeley, Aug. 14. Clar. MSS. 2,280. 3 Cheruel, La France pendant la minorite de Louis XIV,, ii. 267. VOL. III. K 130 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. if she were free to strike, might be led to resist his enterprise, he was eager to do what he could for Charles by diplomatic means, not because he wanted to make Charles strong, but because he wanted to keep England weak. Mazarin, therefore, directed Bellievre to foment dissensions between the two Parliamentary parties. Their union would Beiiievre-s make a republic possible, and an English republic instructions. was tne one thing which he wished to avert. It would, he thought, be terribly strong in the strength which grows out of the voluntary effort of its citizens. Even the re-establishment of the King in the plenitude of his power would be less formidable to France. As a means to the re-establishment of the King, Mazarin looked to the help of the Scots and of the English Presby- terians. He treated Charles's objections to Presbyterianism as a mere passing obstacle, which would be removed by the good advice of his wife. Both from Mazarin's instructions and from Bellievre's subsequent despatches it is perfectly clear that the ambassador started under a complete misapprehension of the difficulties of the task before him, and that he expected with ease to carry out the undertaking in which Montreuil had failed. 1 Bellievre arrived in England early in July. His first report from London was most despondent. Both parties, he found, July 16. were of opinion that the King was lost if he did not repSt"*' 8 acce Pt the propositions. In case of his refusal the Plans of the ^dependents tne ambassador was probably retail- two parties, ing Presbyterian gossip would set the little Duke of Gloucester on the throne for a year or two, till they were able to establish a republic. On most points there was a sharp division between the parties. The Presbyterians wanted to disband the army and to dissolve Parliament, on condition thus anticipating the vote of the French Constituent Assem- bly that no member of the existing House of Commons should have a seat in the next. The Independents wanted to keep together both Parliament and army. The Scottish 1 Instructions to Pellievre. Ranke, EngI, Geschichte, viii. 169, 1646 BELLI&VR&S DIPLOMACY 131 commissioners, it appeared, were sanguine as to their pro- spect of obtaining the King's assent to the propositions, if EX ecta ^y withdrew, as they were prepared to do, the dons of the demand for the signature of the Covenant. They commis- would then, as they were no longer distracted with war at home, be able to place twenty thousand men on the Borders in addition to their army actually at New- castle. The English Presbyterians gauged Charles's character more accurately. Bellievre reported that they had little expectation The En g - of a favourable answer from him, and that some of b^eSms" tnem even tal ked of making common cause with the despondent. Independents and of abandoning all hope of coming to an understanding with the King. It needed all Bellievre's assurances that his own appearance in Newcastle would change the King's resolution to keep them constant to the policy which they had hitherto adopted. Having thus fully acquainted himself with the views enter- tained at Westminster, Bellievre set out for Newcastle. If Charles had been hypocritical enough to play the in favour game which had been suggested by Digby with of the King. , - , , . , . somewhat more of soberness than suited the temper of that erratic adviser, he would probably have had a fair chance of recovering his authority. So weary were the people of the burden of the new taxation, that, if once the existing Parlia- ment were dissolved, the King might possibly regain his power without much difficulty. So widespread was the impression at Westminster of impending danger, that the Inde- Alarmof r the inde- pendents were alarmed lest the whole result of the war should be thrown away. " May God grant," said one of them, " that we have nothing worse to fear than to see the King in as much authority as he had before the war. It is much to be feared that he will much augment and strengthen it." 1 The Independents need not have been alarmed. Already, on June 28, Charles had received a copy of the propositions. 1 Bellievre to Mazarin, July ff , Dec. fi. R. O. Transcripts. K 2 132 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. On July i he informed his wife that he could not accept them, June 28. but ' a flat denial ' was ' to be delayed as long as Seethe ma y be.' He quite understood what the conse- quence would be. He would not be allowed to go to London, and the Scots would refuse to help him. 1 He win On the 8th he wrote to Ashburnham that he believed them?" 1 himself to be lost, unless he could escape to France before August. 2 On July 9 Montreuil returned from France, with friendly messages from the Queen Regent and the Cardinal, and with assurances of Bellievre's support. He was also able Montreuii's to cheer the King with tidings relating to Montrose. On June 15 Charles had repeated his orders to Monu-ose 5 ' Montrose to disband his army, and again on July 16 to disband. ^ Q wrote very much in the same strain. 3 The last A Set 6 ' l etter was > however, accompanied by secret instruc- communi- tions to spin out the operation as long as possible. 4 It is not improbable that this order was given to Montrose in consequence of a message received from him to the effect that the variable Seaforth had now declared for the King, that he would himself be able to raise 8,000 men, and that an offer of 7,000 more had reached him from the Irish Confederate Catholics. 5 At the same time that Charles ordered Montrose at least Proceedings in his public despatch to disband his forces, he sent f Huntly a s i m ii ar command to Huntly and Alaster Macdonald. donaid. Huntly was about to obey, but on a countermand from the King prepared to continue the struggle. Macdonald 1 The King to the Queen, July I. Charles I. in 1646, 51, 2 The King to Ashburnham, July 8. The letter is in the possession of the Earl of Ashburnham, and has been lent by him to the Stuart Exhibition. 3 The King to Montrose, June 15, July 16. Napier, Memoirs of Montrose^ 636, 637. 4 Montreuil to Mazarin, July if, "S^ Arch, des Aff. trangeres, lii. fol. 438, 467. Montreuil only knew of the secret letter, or did not think the public one worth mentioning. 5 The message is undated, but a reference to Antrim places it here. Arch, des Aff. trangeres, lii. 517. 1646 PLEADINGS WITH CHARLES. 133 had recently been joined by Antrim in person, and was not likely to desist from his attack upon the territory of the Camp- bells for anything which the King might write. 1 Fed with empty hopes, Charles prepared himself to receive the Parliamentary commissioners. On July 30 they reached July 3 o. Newcastle. At this crisis of the monarchy all who the ri iriiL fancied themselves capable of influencing the King's mentary decision gathered round him. Bellievre was there commis- sioners, to counsel acceptance of Presbyterianism in the interests of France. Argyle came to recommend the same in the interests of Scotland, whilst Hamilton, who had been liberated from his captivity by Fairfax, appeared at Newcastle as lugubrious as of old, denouncing the King's resistance, and The advice prophesying all happiness to him if he would only of the Scots. f u ow the advice of his faithful Scots.'-' Nor was that advice quite as harsh as might have been expected. The Scottish commissioners at Newcastle threw themselves on their knees before him, assuring him that they would venture their lives and all that they possessed on his behalf if only he would accept, not the offensive propositions now laid before him, but those milder ones which had formerly been made through Sir Robert Moray, 3 with some modifications in the clause relating to the militia. 4 Moderate as Sir Robert Moray's scheme had been on civil matters, its demand for the establishment of Presbyterianism Au in England had been as uncompromising as that of Charles the propositions. It can surprise no one that he propo- Charles refused to give way ; but there can hardly be one, even amongst his most devoted admirers, who can approve of the manner in which, after rejecting the offer of the Scots, he replied to the English commissioners. He did not flash out into becoming indignation at the sugges- 1 Patrick Gordon^ 194, 198. 2 LJ. viii. 447 ; Montreuil to Mazarin, J Jj~j, Arch, des Aff. tran- gtres, lii. fol. 467. 3 See p. .73. 4 Sir R. Moray to Mazarin, Oct. |. Arch, des Aff. trang2res, lii. fol. 630. 134 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. tion that he should as he would himself have expressed it abandon the Church, his crown, and his friends. Neither did he clearly say what he was himself ready to grant. He merely handed to the commissioners on August i a letter in which he complained of the difficulty of giving a decided answer in the short time allowed to him, and pressed once more for leave to come to London to discuss more thoroughly the points which had been raised. He would never, he vaguely added, ' con- sent to anything destructive to that just power which by the laws of God and the land he is born unto ' ; but, on the other hand, he was ready to pass all bills ' really for the good and peace of his people.' 1 It was strange that Charles should think fit to reply to an elaborate demand in such a fashion, but it was still stranger that he should have been sanguine of the success of Charles sanguine of his contrivance for spinning out the negotiation whilst Irishmen and Highlanders were preparing to come to his rescue, or whilst parties at Westminster were breaking up under the influence of his personal skill. On Aug. 3. August 3 he sent Montreuil back to France to re\um7to inform the Queen of all that had passed, and he assured Bellievre, who remained at Newcastle, that tionwlth sa " ke ex P ecte d a favourable response from the Houses, Beiiievre. and that when he was once in London all difficulties would be at an end. 2 Bellievre thought it far more likely that the Scots would deliver him up to the English, and that he would either be deposed or allowed to remain on the throne with no more than the name of a king. 3 In rejecting Presbyterianism Charles was acting in opposi- tion to the advice, not only of all who were in daily intercourse 1 The King's answer, Aug. i. L.J. viii. 460. ' Le Roy de la Grande Bretagne s'imagine que sa response sera bien reyeue du Parlement, qu'il consentira qu'il aille a Londres, et que cela estant, toutes ses affaires se termineront a son avantage. " Bellievre did not think this likely to be the case : "Cependant le dit Roy se flatte de ses imaginations et se nourit d'esperances auxquelles je ne trouve point de fondement solide." Bellievre to Mazarin, Aug. . R.O. Transcripts. 3 Ibid. 1646 CHARLES AND THE QUEEN. 135 with him, but also of her from whose judgment he most un- willingly dissented. About the time when Bellievre left France Charles the Queen instructed Jermyn, Culpepper, and Ash- oppoTitionto burnham to plead with her husband in a joint the Queen, letter for an understanding with the Scots based on the acceptance of Presbyterianism without the Covenant. 1 In reply Charles denied that the separation was possible. If he granted Presbyterianism he would be driven to grant the His views Covenant. He then proceeded to show the influ- Sflience of ences which even the concession of simple Presby- Epwcopacy terianism would have, not only upon the Church, state. but upon the State. Bishops were to him not merely divinely appointed channels of grace, they were also an effec- tive police for the suppression of anti-monarchical opinions. " It is not the change of church government," he wrote, " which is chiefly aimed at though that were too much but it is by that pretext to take away the dependency of the Church from the Crown ; which, let me tell you, I hold to be of equal consequence to that of the military, for people are governed by pulpits more than the sword in times of peace. Nor will the Scots be content with the alteration of government, except the Covenant be likewise established, the which doth not only make good all their former rebellions, but likewise lays a firm foundation for such pastimes in all times to come. Now for the theological part, I assure you the change would be no less and worse than if Popery were brought in, for we should have neither lawful priests, nor sacraments duly administered, nor God publicly served, but according to the foolish fancy of every idle parson ; but we should have the doctrine against kings fiercelier set up than amongst the Jesuits." Charles could say all this to his wife and her ministers ; why could he not say as much openly to the world? It would have revealed the inward sincerity of his nature, which lay enveloped in such a cloud of trickery and false- 1 This letter has not been preserved, but its purport can be gathered from the King's answer on July 22, and from the remainder of the corre- spondence. Clar. St. P. ii. 242. 136 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. hood. An agreement between him and either of the parties opposed to him was, in truth, for ever impossible. It was from no craving after personal aggrandisement that An under- . . standing Charles took his stand on the maintenance of the Monarchy and the Church. He believed it in his ble ' heart to be contrary to the will of God that he should be tw n eTn tion abandon either. " How," he wrote at a later date, itatein his " can ^ ^ ee P m y innocency which you, with so much mind. reason oft and earnestly persuade me to preserve, if I should abandon the Church ? Believe it, religion is the only firm foundation of all power ; that cast loose or depraved, no government can be stable \ for when was there ever obedience where religion did not teach it ? But, which is most of all, how can we expect God's blessing if we relinquish His Church ? And I am most confident that religion will much sooner regain the militia than the militia will religion." l Evidently Charles had in him the stuff of which martyrs are made, and for that very reason, if his opponents had any impossibility regard for their own safety, they could be satisfied totSS 8 with no terms which failed to lay him entirely at with him. tne j r f eet Constitutional kingship was unattainable if he was to continue to be the king, because constitutional kingship rests on the idea that, in case of deliberate and pro- longed difference of opinion, it is the nation which is to have the last word, and not the king. To this idea, and not merely to the aberrations of the existing Parliament, Charles was strenuously opposed. He gave himself, body and soul, to the maintenance of the Monarchy in Church and State, and the Monarchy, as understood by Charles, had absolutely no future before it. The restored kingship of Charles II. was fettered by Parliament in a way which would have been unendurable to Charles I. ; and if, ecclesiastically, the Church of Sheldon and Morley appeared in very truth the Church of Hooker and Laud, there is a sense in which its historical continuity is to be detected in what, in 1646, was known at Westminster as the 1 The King to Jermyn, Culpepper, and Ashburnham, July 22, Aug. 19. Clar. St. P. ii. 242, 248. Compare the King's letter to the Prince of \Vak-s, Aug. 26. Ibid. ii. 253. 1646 OFFER OF THE SCOTS. 137 reformed Church of England. When bishops ultimately re- ascended their ancient thrones, they sat on them because they were favoured by Parliament rather than because they were favoured by the king. The supremacy of lay England in its collective capacity over king and Church was, in reality, the main object for which the Presbyterians were contending, and their object, and not Charles's object, was obtained with the full co- operation of the party of the Cavaliers, when king and bishops reappeared in 1660 under changed conditions. The King's procrastinating answer to the propositions if answer it can be called produced far other effects at West- Au I2 minster than those which he had anticipated. On Thefcng ; s August 12, as soon as it had been read in the recei'vld. House of Lords, a letter from the Scots' commis- The Scots sioners was produced, in which they offered to with- offertogo. draw their forces from England on receiving due satisfaction for their expenses, and suggested a consultation between the two kingdoms to decide upon the best way of disposing of the King. 1 They did not in any way conceal their resolution not to take him to Scotland. 2 It was perhaps natural that this overture should be received in a different spirit by the two parties. It was impossible for Feeling of tne Presbyterians to retain the Scots against their partksibout will but the y wished to treat them with ever y them. courtesy, and to keep, as much as possible, the alliance intact. The Independents, on the other hand, re- garded them as detected intriguers, who had attempted, with the aid of the King and the French, to crush liberty of con- science in England. This time they were unable to rally the Au House of Commons to their views. Common sense Libellers of taught those who had not permanently attached the Scots . r . themselves to either party that it was not well to ied ' irritate the Scots at the moment when they proposed to free England of their presence, and on August 14 the House read a second time, by a majority of 130 to 102, an 1 L.J. viii. 461. * Baillie, ii. 386-391 ; Grignon to Brienne, Aug. g, &, R. 0. Tran- scripts. 138 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. ordinance inflicting punishment on the printers and writers of all libels against the kingdom and army of Scotland. On a question of money it was less easy to influence the House in favour of a generous treatment of the Scots. A bare sum of joo,ooo/. was voted without a division as full voted for satisfaction of the outstanding account between the nations. 1 The Scots, on the other hand, reckoned their uncovered expenses in England at i,8oo,ooo/., of which 5oo,ooo/. was owing to the Englishmen in whose who claim houses their soldiers had lived at free quarter, leav- ing due to themselves no less than i,3oo,ooo/. Nevertheless, they offered to be content with a sum of 5oo,ooo/. In the end, after a good deal of haggling, and a prolonged party struggle within the House itself, 400,000). to 400,0007. was voted on September i, half to be paid before the Scots left England, and the remainder by instalments at fixed intervals. 2 The Scots having consented to this proposal, 3 it only re- mained to procure the 2oo,ooo/. needed for the first payment. Se t In the City it was thought that there would be no A loan to difficulty in raising a loan upon the security of the be raised. i , excise and the bishops' lands, 4 and this suggestion was supported by the Presbyterians in the House. The Inde- pendents, however, carried against them a vote for adding to the security the lands of delinquents, 5 as though they feared that their rivals might bribe Charles to abandon the bishops by offering to restore the property of his followers. The City could hardly take exception to additional security, and the arrangements for paying off the Scots were now likely to take effect without much further delay. Strong, however, as, in spite of occasional checks, the hold of the Independents upon the House seemed to be, indications 1 CJ. iv. 644- ' 2 Ibid. iv. 649, 655, 659; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 281. 3 L.J. viii. 487. 4 Whitacre's Diary. Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 283. 5 L.J. viii. 489 ; C.J. iv. 665. 1646 LAST FLICKER OF THE WAR. 139 were not wanting that it was only on questions of national policy that they could be secure of a majority, and that when character at l ast liberty of conscience came to be seriously influence of discussed, they would have little chance of obtain- the inde- i n pr the acceptance of their views. On September 2 pendents in m * the House, an ordinance for the suppression of blasphemy and Sept. 2. heresy was brought in by two members of no great OTdmSSe note. 1 Denial of doctrines relating to the Trinity to suppress ano l the Incarnation was to be punished with blasphemy and heresy, death ; whilst denial of several other less important doctrines, such as those relating to Presbyterianism and Infant Baptism, was to be punished with imprisonment for life. This monstrous ordinance was read twice without a division, and sent before a committee of the whole House. 2 It was not only the certainty that prominence would be given to internal and especially to ecclesiastical questions as soon as the Scots were fairly gone which boded ill to Is the Eng- J Hsh army the predominance of the Independents. The dying down of the flames of war would lead men who had been taught by the Independent leaders to ask whether there was need of a Scottish army in England to ask whether there was any need of an English army. As far as the Royalists were concerned, indeed, it could hardly be pleaded that Fairfax's Surrender of army was necessary. Worcester had given itself up fortresses. on j u jy 22j p en d enn i s O n August 1 7, and Raglan, the last of purely English fortresses to hold out, had surrendered on the i Qth. The castles of North Wales took longer to capture, that of Flint surrendering by August 24, 3 that of Denbigh by October 26, 4 and that of Con way by December i8, 5 whilst Holt Castle held out till January ig, 6 Chirk Castle 1 Bacon and Tate, the latter, however, having been the original sug- gester of the Self-Denying Ordinance. The proposed ordinance is printed in A relation of several heresies. E. 358, 2. See The Moderate Intelli- gencer, E. 353, 1 8 ; Some modest and humble queries, E. 355, I. 2 C.J. iv. 659. 8 Mitton to Lenthall, Aug. 24. Tanner MSS. lix. fol. 493. 4 Perf. Occurrences. E. 360, 13. 5 Perf. Diurnal. E. 513, 25. 6 Maurice's Note-Book, Arch. Cambrensis, 41, gives Jan. 16, perhaps i 4 o THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. till February 28, and Harlech Castle, the last fortified post over End of the which King Charles's banner waved, till March 13, Civil War. The question of the disbandment of Fairfax's army in consequence of these successes would undoubtedly be raised in the not distant future. As long as the Scots were still quartered at Newcastle it was impossible that it could be entertained. It was Charles's firm conviction that he was dividing his enemies by his policy. In reality he was unconsciously doing Effect of everything in his power to close their ranks. As it Charles's seemed every day less probable that any concession would be obtained from him, the Scots redoubled their efforts to induce him to give way. In August Hamilton Aug. had visited Scotland, where he had striven to induce SStt> ton his fellow-countrymen to abandon some of their Scotland. pretensions, but, in face of the King's unbending A Icottish resolution, his efforts were of no avail, and early in deputation. September he returned to Newcastle as a member of a body of commissioners sent by the Committee of Estates to urge Charles to an unconditional surrender. Between the two great factions into which the Scottish Covenanting nobility were divided the Hamiltons and the TheHamii- Ar gy les > as tnev were called there was not, from tons and Charles's point of view, much to choose. The only difference between their leaders, as it appeared to Bellievre, was that, whereas Argyle wished to put an end to the monarchy, Hamilton wished to preserve it, but to be himself the monarch. If this was unfair to Hamilton, who was always ready to serve the King so far as he could so without injuring himself, it hardly did injustice to Argyle. One little knot of Calender's m en indeed there was, of whom Callander was the leading spirit, who were anxious to do what they could to restore the King's authority. These men, who held influential positions in the army, and amongst whom was pro- the date of the capitulation, while the iQth, given by Mercurius Diutinus, is perhaps the date of surrender. E. 372, 9. 1 Arch. Cambrensis, 42. 1646 AN OFFER REJECTED. 141 bably David Leslie himself, assured Charles that they could place at his disposition 4,000 horse and one of the strongest forti- it offers fications in Scotland. Yet even they acknowledged to^charies. that the disposition of the Scottish people was such The depu- that unless he would accept Presbyterianism nothing tation could be done. Charles rejected their offer with- returns to Edinburgh. O ut hesitation. What he had refused to Callander he was not likely to grant to Hamilton, and the commis- sioners of the Committee of Estates went back to Edinburgh Charles with a negative answer. Before allowing them to 3*o ** return Charles again pressed for permission to go London. ^o London. He did not, he said, refuse to sign the propositions. He only asked that his arguments against them might be heard. 1 To Bellievre Charles explained that he had no intention of going to London unless he could be received there in honour and safety, or, in other words, unless he could preserve some- thing of the state and influence of a king. He had already, he added, sent Dunfermline there with a message to this effect. Sept. 7 . I n writing to the Queen he dwelt more on his annoy- Charies ance at the continual pressure which was put on him. the Queen. ^ot only had he been ' freshly and fiercely assaulted from Scotland,' but Will Murray had been 'let loose upon' him * from London.' He was even afraid, as he informed his wife, that the Scots would be persuaded by the English to detain him as a prisoner. Meanwhile he assured Bellievre that he would take no decisive step till he had heard from the Queen, but, as the Frenchman shrewdly remarked, it was very unlikely that he would take her advice when it arrived. 2 1 Burnet, Lives of the Hamilton* , 366-368 ; A letter from Scotland, E. 354, 3 ; Merc. Civicus, E. 354, 12 ; Bellievre to Mazarin, Oct. ^, R.O. Transcripts. The ambassador says that the offer of the cavalry was made a month before his letter was written, which would bring it to the beginning of September. Callander's name is not mentioned, but Charles, writing about this time, refers to him as making offers to help him to his liberty. The King to the Queen, Sept. 7. Charles I. in 1646, 63. - The King to the Queen, Sept. 7, Charles I. hi 1646, 63 ; Bellievre to Mazarin, Sept. ^, l, R.O. Transcripts. 142 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. Charles was, in fact, still engaged in replying to the letters in which his wife's ministers, acting by her instructions, were The Queen setting forth the advantages which would accrue to "fiance " 1 " n ^ m ^ ^ e g ras P e d the sword and discarded the bishops. To all their arguments he turned a deaf Charles's refusal. ear. Taking them on their own ground, he urged, they were utterly worthless. The Scottish religion meant the rule of the clergy. The Westminster religion meant the rule of Parliament. Both were equally anti-monarchical. 1 Though Charles would never accept Presbyterianism, he had no objection to lead others to think he was scheme. going to do so, provided that he made no positive A consuita- declaration. He easily gained over Will Murray to wm wl his view, * that the Scots ' were ' not to be satisfied Murray ' without the Covenant,' and that 'the monarchy' could not 'stand with Presbyterian government.' The two then consulted how ' to find such a present compliance as may stand with conscience and policy.' On the I4th they had not yet succeeded in their task, but Charles thought that there would be no great difficulty in the matter, and proposed to send Murray to London to recommend the scheme which was still in embryo. 2 One obstacle in the way of Charles, if he wished to come to an understanding with the Scots, had been already removed. An obstacle He was, indeed, slow to give up hopes once formed, removed. an( j tne ^a o f a combination between Montrose's Highlanders and an Irish invasion had been too long familiar to him to pass readily out of his mind. On August 21 he Au g 21. entreated Montrose to remain in Scotland as long as M h o a ntrose sks ne cou \& without breaking his word. 3 Montrose was, to remain, however, too far advanced in a bargain, upon which he had for some little time been engaged, to wish to hold out longer. Much to the disgust of the Covenanting clergy, 1 The King to Jermyn, Culpepper, and Ashburnham, Sept. 7. C/ar. St. P. ii. 260. 2 The King to the Queen, Sept. 7. Charles I. in 1646, 64. 3 The King to Montrose, Aug. 21. Napier's Memoirs of Montrose, ii. 641. 1646 MONTROSE' S ESCAPE. 143 Middleton, who commanded the army of the Scottish Parlia- ment in the North, had made him a promise that he, together Terms w ^ Crawford and Hurry, might be allowed to leave accepted Scotland in safety if they would take care to be on shipboard before September i. One of his followers was allowed to remain in the country with the forfeiture of his estate, while all the others were to be admitted to a complete amnesty. As the time for his departure approached Montrose found reason to think that Middleton's employers intended to trick He doubts him out of the benefit of the conditions into which theywlii be their subordinate had entered. The ship which was observed. to carr y hi m awa y ^id not ma k e its appearance in Montrose harbour till August 31, the last day on which, accord- ing to the agreement, he could be safe in Scotland. Even at this critical moment the captain declared that he would not be ready to sail for some days. Montrose, however, was not to be Montrose's thus entrapped. Putting on a disguise he flung him- escape. se | as ^Q evenm g darkened, into a small boat, and rowed out to a Norwegian vessel which he had hired to lie off the mouth of the harbour till he appeared. He thus made his way in safety to Bergen. 1 His high enterprise had come to a disastrous end. No skill of warrior or statesmen could deal successfully with a problem the solution of which de- pended on the one hand upon the wisdom of Charles, and on the other on the discipline of the Gordons and of the Highland clans. Though Montrose was out of Scotland, the Covenanting government was not yet at its ease. Huntly and the Gordons State of the were St ^ m armS On t ^ G ^St, ^^ Antrim an d Highlands. Alaster Macdonald were still in arms in the West. There was enough to make the Irish peace a special object of alarm to the Scots. It would certainly expose to increased danger their defeated army in Ireland, and it would probably be followed by the sending of reinforcements to their enemies in the Western Highlands. Charles at least was fully alive to 1 Napier's Memoirs of Montrose, 639-643 ; Wishart, ch. xxi. 144 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. the possibility of a turn in his favour. On September 16 he wrote to Ormond suggesting the seizure and fortification of a spot on the Lancashire coast as a means * of helping ' Charts ad* him ' to make use of the Irish assistance.' } Yet even Sa spot Charles could hardly be very sanguine now. On the coastof day on which his letter to Ormond was written he Lancashire. ^^ ^ Q ^{ s daughter in the Netherlands, begging her ofoSge e to to persuade the Prince of Orange to send a swift send a ship sn jp to Newcastle, to carry letters between himself castle. and the Queen. 2 Though nothing was said further, it is by no means unlikely that Charles had some thought of using the ship to effect his own escape if he should find it desirable to take that course. 3 At Westminster the Presbyterians now outstripped their rivals in their anxiety to secure Charles's person. On Septem- ber 1 8 the Commons, at their instigation, resolved The Com-" that 'the person of the King shall be disposed of as thatch? 6 both Houses of Parliament of England shall see fit.' 4 Sdfsp S ose e of The Presbyterians had no reason to entertain any the Kmg. further hope of Scottish military assistance. They were at this moment engaged in discussing with Grignon, Bel- lievre's brother, who had remained in London to act as his agent, how changes might be effected in the propositions so as to render them more easy of digestion, and they may very well have imagined that they were more likely to win Charles's assent if he were out of the hands of the rigid Scottish Cove- nanters. The Independents, on the contrary, though they were anxious to separate Charles from the Scots, were unwilling to bring him too near London. " The King," said one of them in the House was it perhaps Henry Marten? "could not for the good of England be too far off." On the 22nd the vote was accepted by the Lords, 1 The King to Ormond, Sept. 16. Carte's Ormond, v. 17. 2 The King to the Princess Mary, Sept. 16. MS. letters of the Family of Charles I. Bodl. Library. 8 See his words to the Queen at p. 117. We know from Bellievre that he was for some time hankering after a scheme of joining his wife in France. See also p. 132. 4 C.J. iv. 672. THE BISHOPS^ LANDS. 145 though not without difficulty, and a joint committee was ap- pointed to discuss with the Scottish commissioners the best mode in which the King's person could be disposed of. It was, however, to be understood that the negotiation with the Scots was not to affect the right to dispose of the King's person claimed by the English Parliament. l It now remained to carry into effect the proposal which had been previously made 2 for offering the bishops' lands as ge t 2 security for the loan to be raised for the payment of Ordinance the Scots. On September 29 an ordinance was for abolish- / 1 IT- ri-i i / ing bishops brought in for the abolition of bishops and for vest- ing their estates in trustees. The trustees were eight aldermen and sixteen common councillors, who were to nol d the lands as security for the repayment of the'Lordl *k e 2oo,ooo/. which were immediately wanted for the Scots. 3 On October 9 the qrdinance, after some resistance, was accepted by the Lords. 4 There can be little doubt that the Presbyterians had recon- ciled themselves to the idea of parting with the Scots, in the expectation that when once they were gone it would be easy to get rid of the New Model as well. They received a warning that the execution of the last part of their plan must at least Oct. 7 . b e delayed. On October 7 the Independents moved armo be tnat Fairfax's army should be continued in pay for fo"six ued s * x montns longer, urging that it would be treason to months. the kingdom to disarm when the Scots were still advocating the King's claim, and when there was an imminent risk of invasion by foreign powers. So strongly was the House impressed by this argument, that the Presbyterians did not venture to divide against the motion. 5 The Presbyterians, indeed, were undergoing the fate of all parties which at the same time pursue incompatible objects. 1 Grignon to Brienne, Sept. -*g ; Grignon to Mazarin, Sept. | S ' fi. 0. Transcripts ; L.J. viii. 498, 499. - See p. 138. 3 C.J. iv. 677 ; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 284. 4 Z./. viii. 515. 5 C.J. iv. 686 ; Grignon to Brienne, Oct. T 8 g . R. 0. Transcripts. VOL. III. L 146 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. They wanted both to establish constitutional government and to conciliate Charles. They bitterly complained to Grignon that in two months they had not had a word from the ofthePres- King which would enable them to advocate his cause with effect. Unless a satisfactory answer should arrive within a week it would be impossible to serve him further. 1 In the meanwhile the Scots, though they wish the urged that the King should be allowed to come to London with honour, safety, and freedom, were en- lon ' tering upon a conflict in which the spirit of English- men was roused against them, by declaring that Charles was and them King of Scotland as well as King of England, and selves to that, by the treaties, the English Parliament had no share in the ., n . / i i i n i disposal of right to dispose of his person unless the Scottish Parliament gave its consent. In this contention the English Presbyterians were unable to support them, and though the controversy was still prolonged for some weeks, there was never any chance that the Scots would win over the House of Commons to their views. 2 It is impossible to trace definitively Cromwell's action upon Parliament during these stirring discussions. He had returned to his place in the House soon after the surrender of Cromwell r in the Oxford, but though a few not very important letters written during the succeeding months have been preserved, nothing is known of his Parliamentary action at this time. Yet it is not a very hazardous conjecture that he was foremost in holding his party to the policy which it had adopted. The persistence of the Independents in keeping themselves to the one practical object of getting rid of the Oct. 10. Scots whilst refusing all conflict on wider issues bears fbr m the 0n tne impress of his mind. At last he appears as a of^bSiiot te ^ er against a proposal made by the Presbyterians rejected. for the introduction of the ballot into the House whenever offices were given away. In a thin House he carried the day against them by a bare majority of two. 3 1 C.J. iv. 686 ; Grignon to Brienne, Oct. T 8 g. R. 0. Transcripts. 2 Rushiv. vi. 329, &c. 3 C.J. iv. 690; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 285. 1646 CROMWELL ON THE BALLOT. 147 Cromwell's objection to the ballot is probably to be explained by his fear lest it might be used to conceal the personal or corrupt motives of the voters in the case of appointment to offices. He held that merit was the sole recommendation of a candidate for promotion or reward, and he had certainly no objection to see rewards conferred on himself. An ordinance which ultimately passed was now before the House An estate r for Crom- conferring on him an estate taken from the confis- cated property of the Marquis of Worcester, and valued at 2,5007. a year. It seemed as if the Independents were to have the mastery in everything. For more than five months they had been Ma Oct anx io us to disband Massey's troops. On the one Question of hand Massey was obnoxious to them as a Presby- Massey's terian ; and on the other hand his men had, from want of pay, been guilty of considerable disorders. Obstacles had, however, been thrown in the way, and it was not till the middle of October that Fairfax was in a position to carry out the instructions which he had by that time received from the House of Commons to offer to the men the choice of being paid off or being sent to Ireland. Upon this the Lords, Oct. 16. took alarm, and on October 16 ordered Fairfax to SfiLe J rds proceed no further without the commands of both consent. Houses. 1 The Commons insisted on having their way, and Fairfax, without waiting for the consent of the Peers, Oct. 22. acted according to their wishes. By the 22nd the nJntsTis- disbandment was completed. Not a man volunteered banded. ^o go to Ireland. 2 In order somewhat to lighten the burdens on the country, the same course was pursued with several of the local forces which were no longer needed. Already the man whose name was most closely connected with the old military order now passed away had ceased to be a witness of the scenes which he deplored. On September 1 6 the Earl of Essex died. Now that he was no more amongst 1 C.J. iv. 537, 548, 577, 581, 6l 5> 630, 638, 640, 652, 658, 670; L.J. viii. 530, 531. 2 CJ. iv. 697 ; Ludlow and Allein to Lenthall, Oct. 23, Tanner MSS. ix. fol. 566. I. 2 148 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. them, Presbyterians and Independents combined to do him honour, and both Houses agreed that his funeral should be cele- brated at the public expense. Yet even in this EteShrf 6 " matter the Independents had the upper hand. It would only have been in accordance with custom that his brother-in-law, the Marquis of Hertford, should take a lead- Oct 17 ing part in the ceremony. On the lyth the Independ- NO Royai- ents carr i e d a vote that neither he nor any others ist to attend the funeral. wno had taken arms against Parliament should attend as mourners. 1 The credit of the Independents, wrote Grignon, increases every day. 2 The Presbyterians, who were coquetting with a king who would not even vouchsafe them an answer, could not hope to make head against their rivals as long as the relations between the Houses and the King formed the main staple of discussion. The preacher selected to do honour to the virtues of the commander who was to lie amongst the mighty dead in the Abbey Church at Westminster was, as was befitting, The C funerai. a Presbyterian, Richard Vines. In the hearing of vines's both Houses, and of a vast congregation, Vines dwelt on all that was best in the leader who had passed away ; on his constancy, his loyalty to his engagements, and his thoughtfulness for the comfort of his soldiers. Unless Essex had stood forth as a rallying-point, he declared, with scarcely an exaggeration, the Parliamentary army would hardly have come into existence. " He was the man," continued the preacher, with some confusion of metaphor, " to break the ice, and set his first footing in the Red Sea ... a man resolved, when others hung in suspense. ... No proclamation of trea- son could cry him down, nor threatening standard daunt him that, in that misty morning, when men knew not each other, whether friend or foe, by his arising dispelled the fog, and, by his very name, commanded thousands into your service. Such as were for reformation and groaned under pressures in religion he took by the hand, and they him. Such as were patriots and would stand up for common liberties he took by the hand, 1 C.J. iv. 697- 2 Grignon to Brienne, J^. ^. O. Transcripts. 1646 FUNERAL OF ESSEX. 149 and they him, and so became the bond or knot of both, as the axletree of the world, upon which both the poles do move." It was impossible to express more successfully the services which Essex had rendered at the outbreak of the civil strife. Essex and Turning to the present, the preacher could not but remember that a greater, or at least a happier, warrior than Essex was amongst the congregation, and even the very funeral of the Presbyterian Earl was made by a Presbyterian minister to do honour to his successor. " God," said Vines, " had done wonders by the first hand of him that led us through the untrodden paths of the wilderness, and by the second hand of him that had made victory, which Homer calls ... a Jack on both sides, to change its name ; who, if he shall have but one stone out of each city or stronghold taken by his arms to make his tomb, it will be such a monument that every stone of it will speak a history, and some a miracle ; or, if that cannot be, it will be enough that he lay his head upon an immortal turf taken out of Naseby field. God thought Moses, or rather made him, the fittest man to begin and lead Israel forth, and He honoured Joshua with the completing of the work ; neither doth Joshua eclipse the worth of Moses, nor he the worth of Joshua." l Strangely enough, the effort made to perpetuate the memory of Essex roused the anger of one of those half-crazy fanatics whose existence had exasperated him in life. An effigy of the dead commander * with his creation robes, his Earl's coronet upon his head, in soldier's apparel,' and the baton of command in his hand, after being drawn to the Abbey, was brought into Essex's the church, and set up under a hearse, or temporary monument, in the place where the Communion table had once stood. 2 During the days which followed the funeral His effigy large crowds were attracted by the sight. In the night destroyed, between November 26 and 27 a certain John White concealed himself in the church, hacked the effigy to pieces, 1 The Hearse of the Renowned, by R. Vines. E. 359, I. Compare Perfect Occurrences. E. 358, 17. 2 There is a woodcut of the hearse in The true manner of the funeral of 'Robert \ Earl of Essex, E. 360, I, 150 THE NEWCASTLE PROPOSITIONS. CH. XLIII. and then proceeded to mutilate the figure of the antiquary Camden. The next morning he was arrested, and stated that an angel had directed him ' to cut all the said image, hearse, and all that was about it in pieces, and to beat down the rest of the images in the said church.' He defended himself by argu- ing that it was a dishonour to Christ to introduce the effigy of a man into a sacred building. 1 1 Perfect Diurnal, E. 513,26; The whole proceeding of the demolishing of the Earl of Essex's tomb, E. 264, 2 ; White's examination, L.J. viii. 653- CHAPTER XLIV. THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. SOONER or later, in the pursuit of an alliance either with the Scots, or with one of the English parties, Charles was certain to be hampered by his long-cherished design of June ii. seeking assistance from Ireland. On June n he abandon had been forced to direct Ormond to abandon all tion n wfth ia " further negotiations with the rebels, 1 and this letter the Irish. he a ii owec i to De seen DV fa Q Scots around him. c&eV 6 ' Though he did not discover his meaning to Ormond, t e hat' a thYs y et ^ n writm 8 to tne Queen he explained that his means ~ letter only instructed Ormond ' to stop further treat- ing there after the receipt of it, but meddles nothing with what was done before.' 2 Charles knew that the treaty had been already concluded, and he had no intention of depriving himself of any help which the Irish might be able to give. Improbable as it was that the Irish would really consent to exert themselves in Charles's behalf, they were at least in a better position to do so than they had been for some time. The fort of Bunratty, 3 indeed, was still un- taken, though the Supreme Council, followed by the Nuncio, had migrated to Limerick to strengthen the hands of the besiegers. The principal object of the Confederates, however, had been to gather an army strong enough to bear down opposition in the North. Rinuccini would gladly have seen this army under the command of Owen O'Neill, to whom he wished to assign the 1 The King to Ormond, June n. Carte's Ormond^ vi. p. 392. 2 The King to the Queen, June 16. Charles I. in 1646, 47. 3 See p. 54- 152 THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. CH. XLIV. money and supplies which he had brought from Italy and France. The Supreme Council asked that part might be given to Clanricarde, who commanded in Connaught and who was on terms of close intimacy with Ormond. To this Rinuccini with difficulty consented, and then only on condition that Preston, the general commanding in Leinster, should accom- pany Clanricarde as his lieutenant-general. The discord which brought confusion on the counsels of the Confederates was thus reflected in their army. Even in Ulster their power had long been weakened by the personal rivalry of Owen and Phelim O'Neill. Rinuccini now succeeded in effecting a reconciliation between the two, and in launching the Ulster army against Monro and the Scots. 1 The hostile forces met on June 5 at Benburb, on the Blackwater, the stream on the banks of which Bagenal, the Junes. Marshal, had been defeated and slain in 1598. The defeat ^" s ^ armv ) consisting of some 5,000 foot and 500 Benburb. horse, was drawn up on the western side. Monro, whose following was probably superior in numbers, advanced rapidly from the east. Instead of attempting to cross the stream in face of the enemy, he swerved aside, and, having led his men over by a ford, at some little distance, wheeled round to attack the enemy on his undefended flank, in full confidence that victory was in his hands as soon as he had crossed the river. The Irish, however, were fighting for their race and their faith, and their courage had been raised to the highest pitch of enthusiasm by the confident exhortations of their priests. They resisted with unexpected tenacity, and when, after a combat of four hours' duration, O'Neill gave the word to charge, Monro's horse turned to flight, and the infantry speedily followed the example. The slaughter which followed was as unsparing as at Kilsyth. The cruelties of the Scots were returned into their own bosoms, and though a few of the officers were kept alive for ransom, quarter was for the most part refused. When all was over, 3,000 dead bodies were counted on the field. Large stores of provisions and munitions of war fell into the hands of the victors. " The 1 Lord Leicester's MS. fol. i,i6ib. 1646 A 'TE DEUM> FOR BENBURB. 153 rebels," wrote an English narrator, " had never such a day of the Protestants. The Lord sanctify His heavy hand unto us, and give courage to His people to quit themselves like men till help comes." When the news reached Limerick the Nuncio, attended by the whole population of the city, sang a triumphant Te Deum to the Giver of the victory. 1 The defeat of the Scots at Benburb reduced Ormond to great perplexity. On the one hand the Parliamentary com- missioners in the North urged him to take arms Ormond's with them against the triumphant rebels. 2 On the other hand the Supreme Council begged him to proceed to the publication of the peace. They were ready, they declared, to leave Glamorgan's articles for future con- sideration, and to throw themselves on the King's mercy in regard to their religious independence. 3 On June He receives 24 Ormond received the letter of June u, 4 in which proceed with Charles forbade him to abstain from further nego- ' aty ' tiation ; and, as he failed to discover in it the bril- liant distinction which Charles drew in his letter to the Queen, between proceeding with a new treaty and acting on an old one, he assumed that he was really intended to put an end to all further communication with the Irish Confederates. In conveying to the King his determination to comply with his June 29. orders he could not but remind him of the hopeless Segarrison position of his army in Ireland. If war were to of Dublin, recommence, the situation of Dublin would be de- sperate. Everything was wanting to the soldiers, and there were but thirteen barrels of powder in store. 5 On July 4 Ormond's instructions were suddenly changed. 1 L.J. viii. 378, 394; Lord Leicester's MS. fol. i,i9ib; Rinuccini, Nunziatura^ 1 36. 2 Ormond and the Irish Council to the King, June 22. Carte's Ormond, vi. 400. 3 Instructions to Plunket and Browne, June I. Carte MSS. xvii. fol. 492. 4 See p. 151. 5 Ormond and the Irish Council to the King, June 29. Carte's Ormond, vi. 405. 154 THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. CH. XLIV. On that day Digby, having arrived from France, informed him July 4. that the King had directed that, being himself virtually a prisoner, no respect was to be paid to Ormond to anv commands in ordinary writing bearing his sig- obeythe nature. In default of ciphered instructions the Queen and A Prince. Lord Lieutenant was to conform to such directions as he might receive from the Queen and the Prince of Wales, and he was now in particular to carry the Irish peace as soon as possible to its completion. 1 In acting upon Digby's instructions Ormond would un- doubtedly be complying with the King's wishes. A few days later Charles was explaining to Montreuil that he had already written to Ormond 2 to take no account of his prohibition to negotiate. He could not, he added, send him formal powers to come to terms with the Irish lest he should seem to be guilty not only of inconstancy but in some sort of bad faith. 3 It would be enough that he had bidden him to receive orders in future from the Queen and the Prince. 4 Charles's notions of bad faith were all his own. On July 20, a few days after he had despatched this communi- cation to Ormond, he wrote to Glamorgan, whose Aie U tter 2 to policy in Ireland had crossed Ormond's at every Glamorgan. TT i i step. He began by expressing a wish to enjoy Glamorgan's conversation, or, in other words, to be set free by an invading Irish army. " If," he added, " you can raise a large sum of money by pawning my kingdoms for that purpose, I am content you should do it, and if I recover them I will fully repay that money. And tell the Nuncio that, if once I can 1 Digby to Ormond, July 4, Carte's Ormond, vi. 415 ; Declaration by the Queen and the Prince of Wales, appended to Digby's letter of June 28, Carte MSS. fol. 486. 2 This letter has not been preserved. It may have been carried to Ormond by Digby. If so, we can understand why he accepted the Secretary's directions. 1 " Puisqu'il ne feroit pas seulement paroitre beaucoup d'inconstance dans les actions, mais encore quelque sorte de mauvaise foy." 4 Montreuil to Mazarin, July if Arch, des A/. Etrangtres, Hi. fol. 438. 1646 FRUJTS OF VICTORY. 155 come into his and your hands, which ought to be extremely wished for by you both, as well for the sake of England as Ireland since all the rest, as I see, despise me I will do it." l Of this letter to Glamorgan Ormond knew no- thing. Whatever Ormond was to do, must be done quickly. The Irish forces were already gathering the fruits of O'Neill's victory at Benburb. On July 10 Roscommon sur- ra attack on rendered to Preston. On the i4th Bunratty was given up to its besiegers. Preston and O'Neill informed the Nuncio that they were ready to combine in an attack on Dublin. The French Agent, Dumoulin, was with Ormond, pleading with him to seize the opportunity of con- cluding peace with the Supreme Council. Mazarin distrusted Rinuccini as being on too good terms with the Spanish Agent, French De la Torre, and he was himself too unfamiliar with diplomacy. tne f orce o f a popular movement to doubt the power of the Supreme Council to make peace on its own terms. At all events a combination between Charles and the Supreme Council would be likely to lead to the dependence of Ireland upon France, and would be one more link in the chain which the French Minister was forging for the purpose of weakening England. He therefore supplied Digby with 10,000 pistoles, a sum amounting to more than 7,ooo/. 2 Ormond had hardly any choice before him. The main obstacle rose in the Privy Council. Twice did a majority of two-thirds declare against the publication of the Opposition in the peace without direct orders from the King. On July 29 Ormond took upon himself the responsi- o/mond 9 ' bility of obeying the orders transmitted by the overcomes it. Q ueen an( j p r i nce) entering a minute on the Coun- c ^ re i ster m which he declared that his authority proclaimed, was sufficient to enable him to act in the King's name, and that he expected from the Council nothing 1 The King to Glamorgan, July 20, Dircks, 174. - Lord Leicester's MS. fol. i,22ob, 1,228, 1,2310; Rinuccini to Pan- filio, July 7, 8, 17, 19, Nunziatura.) 146, 149, 150; Du Moulin to Ormond, July 1|, Carte MSS. xviii. fol. 113. 156 THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. CH. XLIV. but obedience. 1 On this the Councillors gave way, and on July 30 the peace was publicly proclaimed in Dublin. 2 Ormond and the Supreme Council were of one mind, but it remained to be seen whether an agreement exposed to the The peace hostility of the Nuncio on the one hand and of the precarious. p ro testant councillors at Dublin on the other could possibly be maintained. It was still more unlikely that Charles would derive from it the benefit of an armed inter- vention in England, for the sake of which he had ordered its Aug. 6. conclusion. On August 6 a congregation of the gatiS" clergy was held at Waterford under the presidency Waterford. o f Ri nucc i n i. Qn the 1 2th this body utterly con- Au g 12. demned the peace, and pronounced all Catholics It condemns the peace. w ho had taken the oath of confederation to be per- jured if they accepted it The objections raised by the clergy were not without weight. The peace had indeed relieved Catholics as individuals from all obligation to take the oath of supremacy, and from all fines and penalties which stood in the way of ' the freedom of the Roman Catholic religion.' Nothing in it, however, gave permission to the Church col- lectively to possess the property which it now held, or to occupy ecclesiastical buildings, still less to complete its or- ganisation by the exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The congregation was therefore able to allege, by a somewhat bold stroke of rhetoric, that * in those articles there is no mention made of the Catholic religion,' and to complain, with greater justice, that the removal of these further grievances was left to the King, from whom, as matters stood, no certain orders could be received, whilst in the meanwhile the government of Ireland, and even the command of the Catholic army, was to be in the hands of the Protestant Council at Dublin, and of ' the Protestant officers of his Majesty.' 3 1 Digby's declaration, July 28, Carte's Ormond '; Ormond's declara- tion, July 29, Carte MSS.\\\\\. fol. 12 1. '- Proclamation of the peace, July 30, Ritshw. vi. 401 ; Rinuccini to Panfilio, Aug. 3, Nunziatura, 151. 3 Declaration of the congregation, Aug. 2. Ritshw. vi. 416. The phrase about the King is there printed, ' from whom in this present estate 1646 A PROCLAMATION RESISTED. 157 The clergy had reason to believe that their uncompromising attitude would find support. On the 9th Ulster King-at-arms Vu arrived outside the gate of Waterford, and sent in an The expe- attendant to inform the mayor that he was come to riences of a Kmg-at- proclaim the peace. 1 he attendant found the streets lined with an angry crowd, which scowled at him as he passed, and refused to inform him where the mayor's house was to be found. At last he bribed a boy by the promise of sixpence to act as his guide. The mayor's house indeed he found, but not the mayor. After waiting at the gate for three or four hours the King-at-arms put on his tabard and entered the city. The mayor, who was not to be found when he was sought for by the servant, at once confronted the master, and told him that he would not be allowed to read the proclama- tion there till he had read it at Kilkenny. The discomfited official thought it prudent to withdraw. At Kilkenny and at Fethard the King-at-arms was at least able to read his proclamation in the presence of the magistrates, but the bulk of the population kept within doors. At Clonmel he found the gates barred in his face, and at Limerick he was attacked and wounded by a mob. The mayor, who supported him, was dragged off to prison ; and a vehement partisan of A the clergy, Dominic Fanning, was installed in his Towns place. On August 1 7 the congregation at Waterford threatened , . .... with inter- threatened to lay an interdict on every town in which the peace was published. 1 Before the end of the month the greater part of the troops which had served before Bunratty had taken part with the clergy, and, what was of far Owen greater importance, O'Neill with his victorious army da^fofthe h a d declared in their favour. Preston, who was con- nected by family ties with the lords of the Pale, advanced, indeed, as far as Birr, but he could not be induced to do more than to make vague promises to either side. 2 we can have nothing settled. ' This is more intelligible in the Latin, * a quo, in prsesenti statu, nihil certi potest haberi.' Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 1,310. 1 A relation by W. Kirkby, Carte MSS. xviii. fol. 383 ; Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 1, 315-1 ,325. 2 Lord Leicester's ALS. fol. 1,328, i,333 b > i334- 158 THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. CH. XLIV For the present Ormond contented himself with watching the course of events. 1 On August 26 the clergy were suffi- ciently emboldened to authorise the refusal of taxes to the Supreme Council. 2 The Supreme Council in the meanwhile had been doing everything in their power to avert the storm. On August 1 8 Aug. 18. their secretary, Sellings, assured Rinuccini that he supre n me fthe would do his utmost to induce Ormond to give Council. satisfaction to the clergy. 3 Before long they were Aproposi- aD i e to propose, apparently with Ormond's assent, tion to the Nuncio. that if the Nuncio would accept the peace the Supreme Council should 'privately 4 receive a firm and authentic assurance of the taking away of the penal laws against Catholics, and that their clergy shall not be put out nor molested in their ecclesiastical possessions before a new Parliament called in pursuance of the article of peace ; the said assurance to be ... severed from the articles of peace to which my Lord Lieutenant hath not power to add anything, his powers being determined.' 5 1 Lord Leicester's MS. fol. i,26ib, 1,287, i,328b, 1,332^-1,334, !>339 > Clanricarde to Ormond, Sept. 18, Carte's Ortnond, vi. 429. 2 Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 1,328. 3 Ballings to Rinuccini, Aug. 18. Ibid. fol. 1,312. 4 There is a curious letter in which Glamorgan sneeringly expresses his pleasure at the scrape into which Ormond had got by having to act against the King's public instructions. He writes of the King's disavowal of his own proceedings, ' which though enforced upon him I esteem it yet a warning from further proceeding therein, and fit only for great persons, who can maintain the same, to go contrary to the intimation of his Majesty's pleasure, though never so compulsatively granted. For, as I never have nor will esteem and be frighted at the contradiction of any others when the intimation of his Majesty's pleasure continues to me in any particular unrevoked, so on the contrary can I never be drawn for any man's pleasure to go immediately contrary to what proceedeth from him, deeming it not my part to enter into dispute which way his Majesty is induced, when I see his positive act extant. Let this, therefore, I beseech your Excellency, give you and the rest of the world satisfaction that I no way countenance the standing upon any articles heretofore treated of by me. ... In fine, having washed my hands of that business, proving that the child burnt dreads the fire. 3 Glamorgan to Ormond, Aug. 30. Carte MSS. xviii. fol. 370. 5 Propositions made to the Nuncio. Ibid, xviii. fol. 374. 1646 RESISTANCE TO ORMOND. 159 How could the Supreme Council expect to make its way if it had nothing better than this to offer ? In vain they sum- Au moned Ormond to their aid. Before the end of Ormond at August 1 the Lord Lieutenant, accompanied by Digby and Clanricarde and a small military force, arrived at Kilkenny. He was here in the centre of the old territory of the Butlers, and his relatives and allies flocked in to meet him. The greater part of the members of the Supreme Council were bound to him by the instincts of self-preserva- tion, and Ormond, thus supported, fancied that he could set at defiance the popular ill-will. So satisfied was he with An t embi ^ s reception, that on September 10 he summoned to meet at a general meeting of the nobility, and appointed Cashel as the place of its assembly. To his disap- Orm?nd pointment, the men of Cashel refused to admit him turned back, withm thdr ^^ Th()se Qf Q onmel shut their gates against him, and, what was far more alarming, news arrived that Owen O'Neill was on his march through Leinster either against Kilkenny or against Dublin itself, and and return's that the wild tribes of Carlow and Wexford were prepared to rise at his approach. To save himself from capture Ormond deemed it prudent to return to Dublin. 2 The discomfiture of Ormond was the signal of the more Sept. 18. assured triumph of the Nuncio. Rinuccini, bringing at h KUkenny with him the s P anish Agent, Diego de la Torre, ge entered Kilkenny on the i8th at the head of an Arrest of the armed force. 3 On the following morning the leaders Supreme e of the Supreme Council were arrested and imprisoned in the castle. The treaty was declared to be void. Within two days it was known at Kilkenny that Ormond was 1 'Ad exeuntem Augustum ' probably means the 3 1st, as Ormond's first letter from Kilkenny is dated Sept. I. Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 1,329. - Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 1, 340)^-1342 ; Lambert to Ormond, Sept. 9, Talhot to Ormond, Sept. 10, Roscommon to Ormond, Sept. n, Carte MSS. xviii. fol. 468, 482, 494. 3 Rinuccini to Panfilio, Sept. 21. Nunziatura, 160. He here speaks of himself as arriving four days ago. I^ord Leicester's MS. fol. 1,367, no doubt incorrectly, speaks of his leaving Kilkenny on the igth. 160 THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. CH. XLIV. about to take a step which would change the whole state of affairs. Seeing that the policy which by his master's command he had pursued for three years had utterly broken down, he Ormond re- resolved, with the full consent of his council, to place St v S t hl ub " Dublin and the few fortresses which still held out in ifa n mem Par " the hands of the English Parliament rather than Sept. 26. allow them to fall into the hands of the Nuncio. Supreme Rinuccini, eager to defeat the project, summoned Council O'Neill to bring his armed forces to his aid. On chosen by the clergy, the 26th a. new Supreme Council was chosen by the congregation of the clergy, of which Rinuccini was naturally appointed president. 1 One step remained to be taken. Rinuccini must not only have a Supreme Council, but a Lord Lieutenant of his own. Glamorgan was ready to his hand. He had brought Glamorgan .... T , . , to be Lord with him to Ireland amongst other papers a docu- ment, sealed with Charles's signet, appointing him Lord Lieutenant in the case of Ormond's death or miscon- duct. 2 As soon as Dublin was taken and the Nuncio felt little doubt that it would soon fall Glamorgan could possess himself of the authority which had dropped from Ormond's hands. It was true that he had not the appointment by patent, but the Irish were not likely to make a distinction between one seal and another. 3 The enthusiastic letter in which Charles had expressed his eagerness to place himself in the hands of Glamorgan and Rinuccini seemed to leave no Sept. 28. doubt of his assent. 4 On the 28th Glamorgan St a hT?he' s qualified himself for his high office as the King's representative in Ireland by swearing entire submis- sion to the Nuncio. He would do nothing without his appro- bation, and would at any time be ready to resign his office into his hands. 5 It was not difficult to discover in Ormond misconduct Lord Leicester^ MS. fol. 1,367, 1,384.13. See vol. ii. p. 165. Rinuccini to Panfilio, Sept. 21, 25, 29. Nimziahtra, 160, 162, 166. Seep. 154. Lord Leicester's MS. fol. 1,380. 1646 ORMONDES RESOLUTION. 161 which in the eyes of Glamorgan and Rinuccini would justify Ormondat the contemplated change. Ormond had at last carried out the purpose which he had contemplated OrnSnd* 6 ' ever smce n * s return to Dublin. On the 26th he Westminster despatched commissioners to Westminster to ask for toaskforaid. aid in the defence of Dublin. Ormond's reluctance to submit to Rinuccini had other motives than those which weighed with the Supreme Council. It was not so much the ruin of the Irish- English stock which he feared, as the loosening of the hold of England upon Ireland^ by the destruction of the English settlements which formed the Protestant garrison of Ireland. Those who now held sway, he declared in his instruction to his commissioners, aimed, in the first place, at -the ' overthrowing of all planta- tions ' which had been made 'for the better strengthening, civilising, and enriching the kingdom, and establishing it in due obedience to the crown of England,' and, in the second place, at 'the setting up of Popery in this kingdom in the fulness of papal power, jurisdiction, and practice ; and both these aims laboured by the Popish pretended clergy, and by most of the mere Irish, and others of English extraction too easily carried away by the seducements of their prelacy and clergy, and all industriously set on and fomented by two persons who came into this kingdom, and have a long time resided here, without any licence from us, his Majesty's Minis- ters, or any application by them made unto us ; namely, the King of Spain's Agent and the Pope's Nuncio.' The commissioners were accordingly to inform the Houses that the Lord Lieutenant was prepared to admit their troops Ormond's into his garrisons and to place his remaining forces at their disposal. He would either carry on the war with their help as Lord Lieutenant, or would, if they preferred it, quit his office in favour of some one else. If they adopted the latter alternative, they must understand that he could not leave his post without the King's permission, and he therefore sent a letter in which that permission was asked for, which he requested the Houses to forward to his Majesty. 1 1 Letter of credence and instruction, Sept. 26. Z./. viii. 519, 523. VOL, III, M 1 62 THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. CH. XLIV. At last the two real combatants stood face to face the Papal Nuncio and the English Puritan Parliament. The old The two Supreme Council had already disappeared and, it combatants. mus t k e acknowledged, had deserved to disappear. Weakness of ft had neither a feasible policy of its own nor sym- the Supreme J , J Council. pathy with the people whose guidance it had under- taken. It had been voluntarily ignorant, not merely of Charles's inability to support his adherents in Ireland, but of the hope- lessness of founding a policy of alliance with any one of the English parties at a time when all English parties were resolutely opposed to every idea which had found favour at Kilkenny. So evident does this appear, that it may well be asked how it Se t came about that the nobles and gentry of the Supreme its want of Council should have lent themselves to a policy so sympathy , ., . . . with Irish- manifestly futile. 1 he answer is given in a letter in which one of its members, Sir Robert Talbot, im- plored Preston to range himself on the side of the peace. " I fear," he wrote, " that religion is not the aim of the clergy, but the destruction of the English rule, and of those who derive their origin from England." 1 " If you fail us," he added, "all is at an end for the old Irish-English, who rest especially on your arm." 2 The man who wrote these words, and those on whose behalf they were written, had not learned that the one unpardonable sin of a conquering aristocracy is to retain its individuality in the midst of the native population of the land which it has invaded. Little more than a century after the Norman invasion of England no one could say of any one of the ruling class that he was of distinctly Norman blood. In less than two centuries the descendants of the conquerors and the conquered, The Spanish Agent, De la Torre, resided at Waterford, where Rinuccini had lately been for some time, but it is only fair to say that there is no trace of his special influence over the Nuncio in Rinuccini's corre- spondence. 1 "Timeo ne Religio non sit scopus sed eversio Regiminis Anglicani, et eorum qui exinde originem trahunt." 'Sin autem actum est de omnibus antiquis Ibernis Anglis tuo praesertim brachio innitentibus." Talbot to Preston, Sept. 3. Lord MS. fol. 1,335. The letter only exists in a Latin translation. 1646 IRISH ECCLESIASTICS. 163 without distinction of origin, wrested the Great Charter from a Norman king and faced his son on the hillside at Lewes. Though more than three centuries and a half had passed since Ireland was invaded, the offspring of the invaders still spoke of themselves as Irish -English, and shrank from sharing their authority with the true children of the soil. Community of religion had for a time concealed the cleft separating the races, but at the critical moment the heirs of the conquerors found themselves out of sympathy with the people whose leaders they had professed themselves to be. It was by no mere accident that the power which had dropped from the hands of the Supreme Council fell into those of Rinuccini and the clergy. Ireland, with Power of the clergy national aspirations, was without the elements of a national organisation. Only one organisation that of the Church bound together the scattered elements of Irish Theeccie ^ e ^ or uru 'ty ^ act i n - That it was so involved a siasticai W ar to the knife with England. The Irish Church, organisation hostile to unlike that of Scotland, was not national but cosmo- politan ; and with good reason Englishmen dreaded to allow free scope to an organisation in Ireland the establish- ment of which would be a standing menace to the development of national life in England. With an Irish nation, it might be possible to come to terms, as it ultimately proved possible to come to terms with Scotland. With the Roman Catholic Church, so long as she thought of making use of an arm of flesh to vindicate her claims, it was not possible. Fear of giving a foothold in Ireland to foreign armies acting in the name of the Church had driven Elizabeth to conquer Ireland, and James to colonise it. Of late years everything had been done to stimulate the terror. Strafford had threatened to coerce England with an Irish army, and even the Supreme Council had followed in the same path. Rinuccini, freed from an alliance with any English party, was ready to walk in Gr und f ^ w ^ reater boldness still. Evil unspeakably English evil as would be the results of a fresh English resistance. . ... conquest, it had now become impossible to avert it. There are crises when the spirit of the moss-trooper's cry, M 2 164 THE FAILURE OF THE IRISH PEACE. CH. XLIV. " Thou shalt want ere I want," becomes the key-note of national action. It was hardly likely, especially under clerical guidance, that Ireland would succeed in conquering England ; but the ganger of a combination formed between an inde- pendent Ireland and one or other of the Continental monarchies was sufficiently menacing to rouse in England the bitterest feelings. England, in short, was making ready to invade Ire- land rather because she was resolved to defend her own national existence than because she was hostile to that of her neighbour. After all, if the only alternative to an English conquest of Ireland was to be the weakening and impoverish- ment of English national life, it may well be doubted whether the world at large would not have lost more than it would have gained by the success of the Irish. On October 12 the attention of the Houses at Westminster was drawn to the latest phase of the Irish imbroglio. 1 Admirably Oct. 12. as Ormond, by his offer to surrender to them his ?f e th e e P news authority, was playing into their hands, they could SwiteSl? not overcome tneir rooted distrust of co-operation ster. with Charles or of officers who had Charles's confi- dence. They accordingly agreed to accept Ormond's resigna- tion rather than his services, but they refused to transmit to the King that letter containing the Lord Lieutenant's demand for Charles's approval of his conduct which he had declared to be the necessary condition of his resignation. 2 There can be little doubt that they were wise in refusing his offer to take service under them. Upright and loyal as Ormond had in every circumstance of his life been found, he would have been out of place as the servant of the English Parliament. 1 C.J. iv. 690. >J C.J. iv. 693 ; L.J. viii. 530. i6 5 CHAPTER XLV. THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. THE complete failure of Charles's Irish policy did not make him any more ready to yield to his English subjects. It was in vain that the Presbyterians at Westminster had cast longing 1646. e Y es m tne direction of Newcastle. About the middle ChaSes 21 ' f September Charles received from the Queen's rejects the council the draft of a reply which they advised him Queen s r j j project. to give to the propositions. As it contained a more or less open concession of the Presbyterian demands, he sum- marily rejected it. In time, he answered, they would ask him to submit to the Pope, ' for questionless it is less ill in many respects to submit to one than many popes.' l It was about this time that Charles had a fresh overture from the Independents. According to a statement by Sir Fresh offers Robert Moray, they offered him ' his will in religion inTpen- that is, moderated Episcopacy when the Scots ' were 'gone, to pass delinquents, and waive Ireland till King and Parliament were agreed.' 2 It can hardly be doubted that, though Moray makes no mention of it, some- thing was also said about liberty of conscience. However that may have been, Charles was, on political grounds, too distrustful of the Independents, to incline him to listen to their proposals, and he was, moreover, at this time entirely absorbed 1 The King to Jermyn, Culpepper, and Ashburnham, Sept. 21. Clar. St. P. ii. 264. 2 Moray to Hamilton, Sept. 21. Hamilton Papers (Camd. Soc.), 115. Mr. Blaize, here and at p. 1 14, should be Mr. Blair. 166 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. in the elaboration of that project of his own which he had been for some time concocting with Will Murray. 1 On September 30 this marvellous scheme was at last com- pleted. The existing church arrangements were to remain in Sept. 3 o. f orc e for three years. During that time a committee 2Stl new f both Houses was to discuss the future govern- proposai. ment of the Church with sixty . divines, twenty of whom were to be Presbyterians, twenty Independents, and twenty chosen by the King. When their part had been played and it could hardly end except in a bitter wrangle the King and the two Houses were to pronounce sentence. In the course of three years of a Restoration government it was more than probable either that fresh elections would take place or that the composition of the existing Parliament would be modified by the readmission of the expelled members, and there was therefore every reason to expect that Episcopacy would be brought back without much difficulty. At all events, He consults ^ ms was wnat Charles in reality expected. To salve his conscience he wrote to Juxon for advice, and bade him consult Bishop Duppa and Dr. Sheldon. He as- sured Juxon that he had adopted this plan ' with a resolution to recover and maintain that doctrine and discipline wherein ' he had ' been bred.' " My regal authority once settled," he declared, " I make no question of recovering Episcopal govern- ment ; and God is my witness, my chiefest end in regaining my power is to do the Church service." 2 The answer of the divines was favourable, 3 but before it arrived the King had already decided to act. Scarcely had Charles's letter left Newcastle when Mon- treuil returned to press him once more to concede everything Qct to the Scots. Montreuil was shortly followed by Davenant's the poet Davenant, who was now high in favour with Jermyn, whose fortunes he had shared in the days of the Army Plot. Davenant had been specially in- structed by the Queen to urge Charles to give way, but she 1 See p. 142. 2 The King to Juxon, Sept. 30. Clar. St. P. ii. 265. 3 Juxon and Duppa to the King, Oct. 15. Clar. St. P. ii. 267. wcu - 1646 DAVENANT^S MISSION. 167 could hardly have selected a more unfit agent to charge with such a commission. He urged Charles to abide by the advice of his friends. To Charles's inquiry who the friends were, he named Jermyn and Culpepper, Ashburnham having already shown that, though he joined these two in signing the joint letters written to Charles at the Queen's directions, he had personally no liking for their arguments in favour of Presby- terianism. Jermyn, said Charles, understands nothing about the Church, and Culpepper has no religion. Davenant then brought forward an argument which probably seemed to him conclusive. If the Queen,, he said, did not have her way, she would cease to trouble herself about her husband's affairs and would retire into a nunnery. After this he spoke slightingly of the Church, hinting that it was not worth the sacrifice which the King was making for it. Charles for once lost his temper, and drove the unluck'y disputant from his presence. 1 Davenant was afterwards readmitted to an audience, but his mission had plainly failed, and before long he returned to France. Davenant's verbal arguments were supported by another long letter from Jermyn and Culpepper. Episcopacy, they urged, was an admirable institution, but it was not A case P 5 ut of Divine right. On the other hand, Presbyterianism '' was, no doubt, politically dangerous, and as such was to be avoided as long as possible. The plain fact, how- ever, was that Charles had no longer a choice. " Presbytery," they declared, " or something worse will be forced upon you, whether you will or no. Come, the question is whether you will choose to be king of Presbytery or no king, and yet Presbytery or perfect Independency to be." 2 It was plain common sense, but common sense has no jurisdiction in the sphere in which Charles's thoughts were moving. He was resolved to be ' no king ' rather than soil his conscience. If Charles stood alone in his resolve, he also stood alone in thinking it possible to avoid ruin unless he surrendered to 1 Clarendon, x. 57 ; the King to Jermyn, Culpepper, and Ashburnham, Oct. 3, Clar. St. P. ii. 270. Jermyn and Culpepper to the King, Sept. 18. Clar. St. P. ii. 261. proposals by Will Murray, 168 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. one party or the other. He had no lack of advisers. Argyle, anxious, as Montreuil thought, to spare his countrymen the dis- Charies's grace either of surrendering their king to the English advisers. or o f detaining him a prisoner, recommended him to go to London without permission, throwing himself on the generosity of the English Parliament. Others pressed him, through the intervention of Will Murray, to escape to the Continent. Bellievre, who needed him as an instrument to promote the designs of France, urged him to remain in his own dominions, and if no other course were open to throw himself into the Highlands, and to seek the support of Huntly and the Gordons. 1 Charles listened to none of these suggestions. On October 12, tired oY waiting for the answer of the divines, he sent off Will Murray with instructions to show his Oct. 12. ' He sends scheme for an ecclesiastical settlement, together in with certain political proposals, to the Scottish com- missioners in London.' 2 He was, in particular, ready to abandon the militia for ten years, or even, at the last extremity, for life, if only he could be certain that, at the end of the appointed term, it would return to its ancient depend- Oct. 15. ence on the Crown. In a letter which followed addiSSaT Murray on the i5th he offered to grant Presby- terianism for five years instead of for three, and to waive his suggestion of a conference, if the leading English Presbyterians would positively engage that at the end of that time ' a regulated Episcopacy ' would be restored. 3 As might have been expected, the Scottish commissioners The ^ in London would have nothing to do with offers so rejeTteTby illusory, though, in order to cover their own failure to obtain satisfactory terms, they spread a report that no answer whatever had reached them. 4 1 Montreuil to Mazarin, Oct. ^, Arch, des Aff. trangtres, Hi. fol. 610; Bellievre to Mazarin, Oct. , R.O. Transcripts. 2 The King's answers, Oct. 12 and 15. Clarendon MSS. 2,333. 3 The King to Murray, Oct. 15. Clar. St. P. ii. 275. 4 Grignon to Brienne, ^J|, R, Q. Transcripts-, the King to the Queen, Nov. i, Charles I. in' 1646, 73. 1646 SIEGE OF DUNKIRK. 169 Before Charles knew that Murray had failed he received a letter from his wife. Side by side with his conscientious but Oct. 31. tortuous schemes for inveigling his enemies to their Sanfrom destruction, there is something positively refreshing the Queen. m t ne bold directness with which she broke through his scrupulosities. " If you are lost," she dashingly wrote, " the bishops have no resource, but if you can again place yourself at the head of an army we can restore them to their sees. . . . Preserve the militia and never abandon it. By that all will come back to you. God will send you means to your restoration, and of this there is already some little hope." 1 It was, as might have been expected, to France that Henrietta Maria was looking. In the campaign of 1646 French sue- Mazarin had sent Turenne into Germany to out- Setter" the m ^noeuvre the Imperialists, but he had thrown the lands. chief weight of the war upon the Spanish Nether- Surrender of lands. In Tune the important frontier town of Courtrai and -111 i - - -, , , Courtrai had been captured. Mardyk, the outpost Siege of of Dunkirk, surrendered in August. Then followed Dunkirk. the giege of Dunki^ i ts elf. Enghien, marking his sense of the hazardous nature of the employment, under- took in person the command of the beleaguering army. It was all-important to secure the assistance of the Dutch fleet, and the Prince of Orange, sunk into dotage, was no longer accessible to argument or persuasion. When the French ambassador, Grammont, arrived to ask him to send the ships, he took the astonished Frenchman for a lady, seized him by the hand, and gravely went through the steps of a German dance which had caught his fancy. Grammont found a better reception from Frederick Henry's son than from himself. Prince William was too ambitious of military fame to share the unwillingness which was already manifesting itself in the States General to assist in bringing so powerful a Dutch ships . , . _ r i j i sent to aid in neighbour as France a step further towards the ege ' frontier of the Republic. He threw all his weight into the scale in Grammont's favour, and Tromp was ordered, 1 The Queen to the King, Oct. 9. Clar. St. P. ii. 271. 170 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. with the assistance of a small French squadron, to seal the entrance of the harbour of Dunkirk. 1 In their despair the Spanish officers and the Low Countries turned to England. It had been a cardinal principle of Charles's policy, as long as he was in a position to have a policy at all, to keep Dunkirk out of the hands of the French. The inde- There is good reason to believe that Cromwell and FriendTy'to tne Independents would have been ready, if they had Spain. h a( j the power, to follow in his steps. 2 They had long been on better terms than their rivals with Cardenas, the Spanish ambassador, 3 and they thoroughly distrusted the French government as the chief accomplice in Charles's in- Sept.2i. trigues with the English and Scottish Presbyterians. be a gffb? s On September 21 it was known in London that Car- help, denas intended to apply for assistance, and it was believed that he would accompany his request with an offer of liberty of traffic in the Indies. As a matter of fact, he offered, not the trade of the Indies, but a large sum of ready money. Before an answer could be given, John Taylor, an Taylor's Englishman residing in the Low Countries, arrived from the Marquis of Castel Rodrigo, the Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, with an offer to place Dunkirk, Ostend, and Nieuport in the hands of the English Parliament, if they would save them from capture by the French. 4 As Cardenas did not venture, without instructions from Spain, to take up Taylor's negotiation, he simply begged the Houses 1 Cheruel, Hist, de France pendant la minorite de Louis XIV. ii. 225-251. 2 Up to 1654 the Simancas MSS. show Cromwell to have been friendly to Spain, and hostile to F'rance, 3 Cardenas, writing on Sept. if, speaks of the Independents as less hostile to Spain than the Presbyterians. Consulta of the Council of State, j^f , i64f. Simancas MSS. The French ambassadors express themselves more strongly, and I suspect with reason. * Taylor, wrote Cardenas on Oct. ~, * dijo llevava comision del Marques para poner en manos del Parlamento las plazas de Domquerque, Ostende y Neoport. Con que se desvanecieron las platicas de Don Alonso,' i.e. of Cardenas himself, ' no queriendo arrostrar Ingleses a otra cosa si no a la oferta de Teller.' 1646 SURRENDER OF DUNKIRK. 171 that 4,000 English soldiers with a suitable naval force might be sent at once to succour Dunkirk. Having nothing, as it would seem, to offer in return, he may have thought that the natural disinclination of the English to see these places in French hands would be sufficient to obtain from him a favour- able reply. In any case the Presbyterian members, as allies of France, would have been against him, and his silence both on the admission of English traders to the Indies and on the sur- render of the Flemish ports put an end to what little chance of success he might have had. 1 Even if there had been any dis- position to send help and it is hard to see how, with the Scots His still at Newcastle, any English party could have been g u ^ty of the extreme rashness of embarking in a Oct. A foreign war the succour could not possibly have on5un der arr ived in time. On October i, after a vigorous kirk. defence, Dunkirk passed under the power of France. 2 It was upon these successes that Henrietta Maria grounded her hopes. Mazarin, she wrote to her husband, had assured Oct. 9 . her that there would be a general peace before Queen's Christmas, and that France would then be at liberty advice. t o gi ve fa m powerful aid. It was therefore, continued the Queen, necessary for him to have the Scots on his side, though he need not take the Covenant or do anything that was dishonourable. 3 To abandon Episcopacy for a time in order to regain that and everything else was, in short, the advice of the Queen. It was not a project likely to commend itself to Montrose to J take arms Charles and even the Queen had just thrown an obstacle in the way of its realisation by entertaining another project in direct antagonism with it. The Earl of 1 It may, I think, be gathered from the quotation in the last note that the surrender of the ports had no place in ' las platicas de Don Alonso. ' The dissatisfaction of the English with his omission to offer the traffic of the Indies is noted in the French despatches. Grignon to Brienne, Se Pt- & 'oti 4 ' Oct - & * on December 4 he sent his scheme to Lanark, The^Scots that he might test Scottish opinion. Much to his surprise and disgust, Lanark replied that no one in Scotland would have anything to do with it. 2 The days which Charles was thus frittering away were being used to his disadvantage at Westminster. Almost to the end NOV. 28. of November, indeed, it seemed possible that the Sn afwest- English and the Scots might come to a rupture on minster. their respective claims to the custody of his person. In the press a vigorous paper war was raging on the subject, The com and on the 28th the Independents carried through mons assert the Commons a declaration asserting the right of the the claim of __.,_,.,. , , . .. . . , the English English Parliament alone to dispose of the King s to dispose' person as long as he was in England. They then, ieKlng- by a majority of no to 90, obtained a vote that this Th?Scots declaration should be sent to the Scottish commis- retum their s ioners without any previous communication with the Lords. 3 The Scots, however, prudently returned it unopened, on the ground that it only proceeded from a single House. 4 They had probably even stronger reasons for avoiding further controversy. On November 3 the Scottish Parliament NOV. 3 . had met at Edinburgh, and though it long refrained Slrlorttish f rom touching on so delicate a subject, there was Parliament, strong reason to believe that it would refuse to afford to Charles a shelter in Scotland. 5 1 The King to the Queen, Dec. 5, Charles I. in 1646, 82 ; Bellievre to Mazarin, Dec. -.-, A'. O. Transcripts. - The King to Lanark, Dec. 4 ; Lanark to the King, Dec. 8. Burnet, 381, 386. 3 C.J. iv. 730; Rushw. vi. 341. 4 C.J. iv. 734; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 291. 5 Bellievre to Mazarin, Dec. g{. R. 0. Transcripts. N 2 i So THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. Whatever resolution the Scottish Parliament might take, the English House of Commons pursued its course of making NOV. 3 o. tne wa Y f retreat from England easy. There was News of a fa e more reason to hasten to a conclusion, as on Royalist attempt on November 30 it was known at Westminster that there Castle. had been a Royalist plot to seize Pontefract Castle, which might not unreasonably be thought to be connected Arrange- w i tn Hudson's mission. 1 The Commons therefore, de en artureof e dropping all reference to their rejected declaration, the Scots, pressed on, in amicable conference with the Scottish commissioners, the arrangements for the marching away ot the Scottish army, and for the payment of the Earnest money which would then be due. On the i6th of December the two parties reached an agreement, and twelve thousand pounds was* paid over as earnest money to the Scots. 2 England would rid itself to little purpose of the Scottish army if Charles was to be suffered to retreat with it to Edin- is the Kin burgh, and to make Scotland a centre of intrigue to go to ' against the English Parliament. Events now showed Scotland? , , T . that no such danger was to be feared. It is true that on the i6th, the day on which the earnest money was paid at vote in the Westmmster > the Scottish Parliament, under the im- Scottish pulse of Hamilton, resolved ' to press his Majesty's Parliament. . T , ... r . . . J , J . coming to London with honour, safety, and freedom,' and at the same time avowed its own determination ' to main- tain monarchical government in his Majesty's person and posterity, and his just title to the crown of England.' 3 The resolution, however, though strictly in accordance with the wishes of the King, would be of little avail until the conditions had been settled on which the promised support was to be given, and there was a powerful party in Scotland which had no wish to make them too easy. Argyle had even been heard to say that a promise to keep the King in honour and safety would be fully observed, even if he were thrown into prison, 1 CJ. iv. 730. 2 L.J. viii. 603, 614. * Lanark to [? Sir R. Moray], Dec. 17. Bitrnet, 389. 1646 THE SCOTTISH CLERGY. 181 provided that his attendants served him on their knees, and he was carefully guarded against assassination. 1 Argyle's main support lay elsewhere than in Parliament. When Parliament met on the i7th, it was confronted by a Dec. 17. petition from the ministers who formed a standing committee of the General Assembly, 2 protesting against those persons who endeavoured to bring about 'a division and breach between the kingdoms, or the making of any factions or parties contrary to the Covenant under pretence of preserving the King and his authority,' and against those who were remiss in their duty of urging him to subscribe the Covenant and to 'give satisfaction to the just desires of both kingdoms.' To give him shelter in Scotland would * confirm the suspicions of the English nation ' that there had been underhand dealings with him before his coming to the army. 3 It is in the highest degree probable that this petition had been drawn up in concert with Argyle. His policy, and that Argyie and of the ministers, was identical in recognising the car- the clergy. fa^\ fact of the situation, that Charles did not wish to give satisfaction to the demands of Scotland, but simply to use Scotland as a base of operations against England. The fanatical simplicity of the clergy and the subtle intelligence of Argyle combined to defeat a project so disastrous to Scotland as well as to England. Under the influence of the clerical petition Parliament addressed itself to the consideration of the conditions under The Scottish which support was to be given to Charles. All that conditions, j^ ^ een g ame( j f or hj m on the previous day was now swept away. He must accept the propositions made to him by the English Parliament at Newcastle as they stood. If he refused, the government of Scotland was to be settled without him, and he must not think of coming to Scotland to exercise the office of a king. Even if he were deposed in 1 Bellievre to Mazarin, Dec. -&. R. 0. Transcripts, 2 Acts of the Part, of Scot I. vi. 634. 3 Rush, vi. 390. 1 82 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. England, Scotland would do nothing for him unless he took the Covenant and accepted the propositions. 1 It is hard to find serious fault with the resolution thus taken, except by condemning the whole ecclesiastical and political system which the Scottish nation had Scots j us e ti- deliberately adopted. That Charles was bent upon destroying that system in England if he could get an opportunity is beyond all reasonable doubt, and its supporters were therefore justified in refusing to him the vantage-ground which would be given him by a residence in Edinburgh. In every direction Charles's schemes were, as usual, break- ing down. On December 16 he learned that his plan of a Dec temporary abdication had been scornfully rejected Charles by Mazarin, as well as his plan for a temporary learns that , '.. /--^.i o -. ,r establishment of Presbytenamsm. 2 More trying still 'to must have been the sarcastic comment of the Queen. , jj- g p r0 p 0sa i to g ran t the militia for ten years, she told him, was equivalent to a confirmation of the existing Par- liament for that time. "As long as the Parliament and that his other sug- lasts," she continued, "you are not king. As for derided by me, I will not again set foot in England. With your scheme of granting the militia you have cut your own throat, for when you have given them that power you can refuse them nothing, not even my life, if they ask you for it. You ask my opinion about Ireland. I have often written to you about it. You must not abandon Ireland. ... I am surprised that the Irish do not give themselves over to a foreign king. You will force them to do so at last, when they see that you are offering them up as a sacrifice." 3 A day or two after the reception of these communications from France came a doleful letter from Lanark, telling Charles how the Scottish Parliament had declared against him. It 1 Lanark to [? Sir R. Moray], Dec. 17. Burnet, 389. The instruc- tions founded on this resolution were adopted on the 24th. Acts of the Far I. of Scot I. v. 635. 2 Mazarin to Bellievre, Jfri5 ; Jermyn and Culpepper to the King, Dec. i, Clar. St. P. ii. 301. 3 The Queen to King, Dec. ~. Ibid. ii. 300. 1646 ATTITUDE OF THE CITY. 183 would now be useless to send to Westminster the elaborate Dec 2c answer to the propositions which had satisfied no Charles one but himself, and on December 20 he substi- gatn asks to come to tuted for it a renewed request to be allowed to come to London. 1 To this request no attention was paid. The policy of the Independents was still in the ascendant, and was likely to remain in the ascendant as long as a Scottish army was quar- tered at Newcastle. In matters of religion, indeed, the Inde- pendents still found it prudent to maintain a discreet silence. The ordinance against blasphemy and heresy was being pushed Dec. 12. steadily on through committee. On December 1 2, fejjjd to'a wnen tne Presbyterians proposed to refer to a corn- committee, mittee a sermon in which Dell, one of Fairfax's army chaplains, had denied to the civil magistrate the right of inter- fering with a gospel reformation, the Independents offered no opposition, but contented themselves with demanding that another book, written in defence of the Divine right of Presby- terianism, should be treated in a similar manner. 2 Naturally the Royalists sought to turn to account the antagonism which existed on religious matters between the two parties, and they hoped that a fresh City petition, A cfty pSi- which was ultimately presented on the i Qth, would be a further cause of strife. That petition was cer- tainly unfavourable to the Independents. In addition to the usual demand for the suppression of heresy, it asked that the English army might be disbanded in consequence of the favour shown by it to heretics, but it was entirely silent as to the treatment of the King. It contented itself with expressing confidence in the wisdom of Parliament. 3 Charles had not conciliated anyone, and had not cared to conciliate anyone. To have him in London, fighting for his 1 The King to the Speaker of the House of Lords, Dec. 20. LJ. viii. 627. 2 C.J. v. 10 ; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31, n6, fol. 293 ; Right Reformation, by W. Dell, E. 263, 2. 3 The City Petition, E. 366, 14 ; C.J. v. 20 ; Grignon to Brienne, .0. Transcripts. 1 84 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. own hand, would be resisted by everyone, whether Presby- terian or Independent, who believed that, in the old sense of Charles con- tne wor< ^ monarchy, there was no longer room for dilates no monarchy in England, and that it must give place to a government founded, in some way or other, upon Design to' the national will. A discovery made on Decem- Dukeof l e ber 21 probably served to knit the parties together for a time. In the preceding July the little Princess Henrietta had been carried off to France by her governess, Lady Dalkeith. 1 It now appeared that a design had been formed to carry the Duke of York, who since the surrender of Oxford had been in Northumberland's custody, either to New- castle or to France. 2 That such an attempt should have been contemplated was convincing evidence that Charles had no thought of coming to terms with Parliament. On the 22nd the Lords, taking into consideration the City petition, directed Fairfax to see that all officers and soldiers Dec. 22. under his command took the Covenant, and ordered Solutions. tnat a ^ Anabaptists and other sectaries disturbing The wish P UDUC worship should be punished according to the King to law. They then voted that the King should come come to * .... Newmarket, to Newmarket, there to remain till the two king- Dec. 24. doms had consulted on the ultimate disposal of his Commons person. On the 24th the Commons substituted Hoimb y for Holmby House for Newmarket. Newmarket was House, j n tne Eastern Association, and the Eastern Associa- tion was now given over to Presbyterian, if not to Royalist views. The revelation of Hudson's plot had plainly not been forgotten. 3 1 Mrs. Everett Green, Princesses of England, vi. 408. 2 LJ. viii. 619. On the effect of this discovery in hardening the House of Lords against the King, see Grignon to Brienne, J^ : f. R. 0. Transcripts. 3 C.J. v. 28; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 294!). Grignon says plainly what Whitacre only hints at. The Associated Coun- ties, he says, are those ' qui ont toujours tesmoigne beaucoup d 'affection pour leur Roy, le presence cluquel leur pourroit donner de courage d'entre- prendre quelque chose ; ce qu'ils craignent d'autant plus que le ministre 1646 NEWMARKET OR HOLMBY? 185 The assignment of Newmarket as a residence to the King was not the only part of the Lords' resolution to which the and object to Commons took exception. They objected to declare the'scots 2 that the disposal of the King's person could be a Dec. 3 i. fi ttm g object of consultation between the two king- Kn e ' nthe doms. The amendments of the Commons were person. accepted by the Peers, as well as a clause in which the King was called on to give his complete assent to the propositions and to the ordinance for the sale of the bishops' lands, failing which the two Houses would maintain ' the happy union already settled between the kingdoms.' l The King's refusal to come to terms with the Presbyte- rians had, for the moment, weaned them from their unhappy indirect policy of seeking to realise their aims in concert t r he U Ki S ng ? s m with the Kin & the Scots > and the French. 2 Their action. rivals, no longer having the credit of being the exclusively national party, lost ground rapidly. The return of the Scottish army to its own country and the bringing up of the King to Holmby House would dispose of the questions which had given the lead to the Independents. Ecclesiastical discussions would then mainly occupy the attention of Parliament, and on ecclesiastical questions the Presbyterians had more of the national feeling behind them than their opponents. Even now, whilst the Scots were still at Newcastle, the result of the agreement of the two Houses on matters rela- ting to the King was quickly seen. The Lords had prepared Hudson qui s'estoit eschappe dernierement, et que Ton disoit conduire quelque dessein en faveur du Roy de la Grande Bretagne dans ces mesmes Comtes, a este repris depuis quatre jours sur le chemin de Newcastle, et Ton croit qu'il venoit d'aupres du dit Roy pour cela.' Grignon to Brienne, i>ec.-. R Transcripts. 1 L.J. viii. 635, 638. 2 The King, wrote Grignon, would hardly come to London unless he accepted the propositions, ' voyant que les Presbyteriens qui s'imaginent avoir a present 1'avantage sur leurs adversaires, ne se disposent point a porter ses interests, s'il ne consent a ce qu'ils ont desire de luy.' Grignon to Brienne, j^' JJ. fi.O. Transcripts. 1 86 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. an ordinance forbidding all who had not been ordained, either in the Church of England or in some foreign reformed Church, Dec. 31. ' to preach or expound the Scriptures in any church o^iance or c h a p e i } O r in any other place.' On December preaching. ^ i t m ' s ordinance was taken into consideration in the Commons. The Independents, doubtless knowing that they could not hope to reject it, attempted to amend it so as to permit laymen at least to expound the Scriptures. After a long and stormy debate, lasting well into the night, they were beaten on a division, in which Cromwell himself acted as teller, by 105 to 57. "A motion to restrict the prohibition to places 'appointed for public worship' was defeated without ThePresby- adivision. 1 That night's work indicated a shifting regS? the ^ P art i s j of which there had, no doubt, been clear majority. indications before. It was not that a sufficient number of members had changed their minds to give a majority to the Presbyterians, but that the questions on which the Presbyterians had always had a majority had now become the questions of the day, whilst those on which the Inde- pendents had had the majority were now practically solved. It was impossible that Charles should remain much longer in the hands of the Scots. On the 22nd, when the resolution Dec. 22. of the Edinburgh Parliament was known at New- b5fthe made cas tle, the commanders of the army made one last Scottish effort to bring him over to their side. They assured manders. him that, if he would only promise to establish Presbyterianism when once he was firmly seated on the throne, they would undertake to recover his authority in the teeth of both the Parliaments. Though the French ambas- Dec . 24 . sador added his entreaties to theirs, Charles firmly attempts to declined the tempting offer. 2 With no prospect now escape. before him except that of being handed over to the Precautions English, he began at last seriously to think of escap- taken. j n g t o fa Q Continent, and Will Murray was em- ployed to make the arrangements for his flight. 3 The scheme, 1 CJ. v. 34 ; Grignon to Brienne, Jan. T 7 7 , R. O. Transcripts. 2 Bellievre to Mazarin, Jan. T 2 5 . R. O. Transcripts. 3 L.J. viii. 665. For Murray's denial, which was to be expected, see 1646 ORMOND HOLDS DUBLIN. 187 however, got wind, and the Scots, redoubling their precautions, treated him as a veritable prisoner. l Dark as the outlook was, there could hardly fail to be a gleam of hope on some quarter of the horizon. This time it Charles was once more from Ireland that Charles looked to ileilnd s for nel P- The attem Pt of the Confederate generals for help. to se { ze Dublin had been wrecked, for this season FaUmSTof at l east > by their own dissensions, and by the diffi- fede?atesto cu ty ^ conveying supplies through a devastated take Dublin, country and over streams swollen by the Novem- ber rains. 2 In the meanwhile the Parliamentary commis- sioners who had been sent to take possession of Dublin Ormond found Ormond unwilling to accept the terms which surrendS it they were empowered to offer. The Lord Lieute- Engiish nant na< 3 made it a condition of the surrender that Parliament. tne i e tter j n which he had asked leave to surrender his authority should be forwarded to the King for his approval. Parliament having refused to send this letter on, Orrnond declared himself no longer bound by his own conditional promise. He would not, he said, give Dublin up without i647 positive directions from his master. 3 On January 5 Th Jan 'r s ' i Charles, having heard what Ormond was doing, gave approved by him his hearty approval, 4 and directed him ' to re- piece ' his breach with the Irish,' if it could be done ' with honour and a good conscience.' Whilst Charles was thus cherishing new imaginations, Bellievre had made up his mind that nothing could be done Beiiievre for a man who could do nothing for himself. He w?n D P avid made OnG laSt attem P t tO win OVer David Leslie, Leslie. telling him, evidently with Charles's authority, that if he would restore the King without insisting upon Presby- ibid. 703. Bellievre's despatches constantly refer to the thought of escape as being in Charles's mind, so that there is every reason to believe the story. The protestations of the Scots are worth absolutely nothing. 1 Sir R. Moray to Hamilton, Dec. 29. Hamilton Papers, 141. - Lord Leicester's MS. i,4iib-i,439. 3 Carte MSS. xix. passim ; Several passages of the treaty, E. 378, 4 ; Rushw. vi. 420. 4 The King to Ormond, Jan. 5. Carte's Ormond, v. 18. i88 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. terianism he should be created Duke of the Orkneys, and made a Knight of the Garter and Captain of the Guard, with a sum of 8,000 jacobuses 1 paid down, and a yearly revenue of 2,000. It was of no avail. Leslie told the Frenchman plainly that nothing could be done unless the King yielded Jan. 4. on the religious question. On January 4 the am- Saves Vre bassador turned his back on Newcastle, where he Newcastle, had met with so many disappointments, and made his way to London. 2 The final catastrophe could not be long deferred. There was, indeed, some delay about the arrangements for counting the money, and it was not till January 26 that the commissioners who had been appointed by the English Parliament to inform the King of the vote ^ ^ Houses relegating him to Holmby came into his presence. On the following day Charles de- A despatch spatched another letter to Ormond, again urging him to come to terms with the Irish. 3 On the 28th he informed the commissioners that in a few days he would be ready to accompany them. Against this arrangement the Scots had nothing to say. On the 3oth, the first ioo,ooo/. having been duly paid, the Jan. 3 o. Scottish commissioners took their leave of Charles. kave Sc ts Their garrison marched out, and their guards were Newcastle, relieved by English soldiers as if nothing more was occurring than an ordinary piece of routine. On February 3 the second instalment of ioo,ooo/. was also paid, 4 They cross and by the nth 5 every garrison had been delivered up, and every Scottish soldier had crossed the Tweed. Such was the transaction which Royalist partisans were soon to qualify as the act of Judas, who sold his Lord for money. The despatches of Montreuil and Bellievre tell a very 1 i.e. guineas. 2 Bellievre to Mazarin, Jan. T 8 5 . K. O. Transcripts. 3 The King to Ormond, Jan. 27, Carte's Ormond, v. 18. 4 L.J. viii. 699, 716. 5 A most worthy speech. E. 378, IO. 1646 CONDUCT OF THE SCOTS. 189 different tale. They show, beyond possibility of dispute, that the Scottish leaders, soldiers and civilians alike, would wil- Compamon nn gly have renounced the English gold and have to Judas ts Defied the English army to do its worst, if Charles Evidence of would have complied with the conditions on which des atches a l ne even if they had been personally willing to what was come to his help without them it was possible for the promise them to raise forces in his defence. It is true, Charles? indeed, that from time to time, in the early stage of the negotiations, some of their number showed signs of wavering, and that in the final offer made before the King arrived at Newark Montreuil was allowed to use words which, under the most favourable interpretation, must be allowed to be ambiguous. Yet, at all events, the engagement made through Sir Robert Moray gave no uncertain sound, and, if ever the strict demand for the establishment of Presbyteri- anism was for a moment relaxed, it was almost immediately renewed. Apart from the personal question of the truthfulness of the commissioners in which, after all, only five or six persons Were the were involved is it to be seriously argued that the him'a refuge Scots, as a nation, were in any way bound to give to in Scotland? Charles a refuge in their own country? It was not for the sake of a peaceful retreat that Charles thought at one time of accompanying the army to Scotland. What he wanted, as Montreuil, who knew him well, declared, was to give en- couragement to the Scottish Royalists, and above all to bring about a quarrel between the two nations. 1 Were the Scots to be blamed because they refused to 1 " Pour ce qui est de la resolution qu'a ladite Ma t6 de se retirer en Escosse avec 1'armee des Escossois, s'il ne luy est pas permis de se sauver, il espere en recevoir de differents avantages ; comme d'estre en lieu ou sa presence pourra donner du coeur a ce qui luy reste d'amys, et les porter a chercher les moyens de le restablir ; de se pouvoir sauver plus aisement estant la, que demeurant en Angleterre ; de donner sujet a les deux nations de se brouiller, puisque les Anglois qui ont arreste que leur Roy viendroit a Hornby auront sujet de le demander a 1'Escosse." Montreuil to Mazarin, Jan i. Arch, des Aff. trangtres, Ivi. fol. 23. 190 THE DEPARTURE OF THE SCOTS. CH. XLV. expose themselves to such a danger ? Were they even under obligation to allow the King to escape to the Continent ? It is probably the course which posterity would be What were ' , , , . the Scots inclined to recommend. Yet, knowing as we do the whole network of Charles's foreign intrigues and his continual expectation of aid from foreign armies, it is not for us to feel surprise if Scots and English alike shrank, as Elizabeth had shrunk in the very similar case of Charles's grandmother, from incurring so evident a danger. If in modern times the Scots get less than justice, because the ineffectual wiles of Charles's diplomacy are so hard to bear Could in mind, they also get less than justice because they SrianEm attempted, with the assistance of a certain number upo5J rced of Englishmen, to force upon the English nation an England? ecclesiastical system which was uncongenial to its character and its traditions. It is almost forgotten that bishops were known to that generation as the organs of a system of political despotism, or that Charles supported them, not merely as ecclesiastical functionaries of Divine appointment, but also as the supporters of something very like absolute monarchical authority. He wanted them to ordain a lawful clergy, but he also wanted them to ' tune the pulpits ' that is to say, to what did prevent the free expression of the only kind of Sant'bLhops opinion which had in his time any hold upon the for? masses, lest it should lead to an uprising against monarchy. When he spoke of monarchy he meant the monarchy of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, not the monarchy of William III. and Victoria. He was hankering after the restoration of the system which Laud had praised and which Strafford had supported. Presbyterianism had many faults, but at least its existence rendered impossible a return to a mode of government which had been tried and found wanting. It rested in the Church on an organisation proceeding out of the nation itself in the form of elderships, classes, and assemblies, rather than on an organisation proceeding from the King. In the State it rested upon the House of Commons, an elective body proceeding from constituencies which were more or less extensive, but 1646 ENGLISH PRESBYTERIANISM. 191 which on the whole fairly represented the mind of the nation. In the hands of men of expansive genius such a system might have acquired, at least for a time, a hold upon the nation itself. Its leaders were, however, by no means men of expan- sive genius. They could not see that no bridge was strong enough to cross the gulf which separated them from Charles. They sought to carry out with his aid changes which, through motives of interest as well as of principle, he thoroughly de- tested. What was more fatal still, in seeking to combine with the King they were driven to combine with the Scots, and even with the French. They became the anti-national party, when their strength lay in being truly national. The Presbyterians had done their work. They had over- thrown the monarchy, never, in the sense in which Charles Weakne understood the word, to rise again in England. 1 In of the accomplishing this they had called forth an army which had translated their phrases into action, and ransm. , . , , n / i the virtual head of that army was a statesman as well as a soldier. Whether Cromwell and the Independents would succeed where the Presbyterians had failed, in establish- ing a government which had the elements of endurance, re- mained to be seen ; but at least they had recognised that England was called upon to work out her own destiny without respect to Scots or Irish or the Continental powers. It had been the statesmanship of the Independents which had cul- minated in the departure of the Scots and the surrender of the King. In gaining the custody of Charles's person England had in truth entered into possession of herself. 1 Since this was written Mr. Frederic Harrison has said much the same thing (Oliver Cromwell, 129) in speaking of Charles's death. " It is said," he writes, "that the regicides killed Charles I. only to make Charles II. king. It is not so. They killed the old monarchy; and the restored monarch was by no means its heir, but a royal Stadtholder or hereditary President. In 1649, when Charles I. ceased to live, the true monarchy of England ceased to reign." If, however, the act was the act of the Independents, the mental preparation for it was the work of the Presbyterians, even more than they were themselves aware of. 192 CHAPTER XLVI. FINANCIAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE DISORDER. IN the first months of 1647 a cry was raised on all sides for the restoration of peaceful order. In addition to the devasta- l647 . tions of war there had been an enormous increase the r pub!ic f of the P ublic burdens, though it is impossible to burdens. calculate, even conjecturally, what that increase was. 1 The collection of the revenue was in the hands of separate Confused committees, and the funds thus acquired were liable finance. to De d rawn or]) O r even to be anticipated by Parlia- mentary orders issued, not on the recommendation of any official responsible for the financial soundness of the course adopted, but on the spur of the moment, as news arrived that some fortress was hard pressed, or some regiment was clamour- ing for pay. Under such conditions economy was impossible. NO balance- No general balance-sheet was kept, perhaps because sheet kept, fae Houses had no mind to look their liabilities in the face. Recourse was constantly had to loans, and large sums of money were thus obtained from the City, at first Parlia . simply on Parliamentary security, or, as the phrase indebted- tnen wa8 ' on ' tne P UDUC faith,' and afterwards, as ness. t ne value of this security decreased, by mortgaging future revenues, or by pledging confiscated property still unsold. 1 The greater part of the increase was upon the army and navy. It appears from a report from the Committee of Accounts (C.J. vi. 63) that before the formation of the New Model Army, the expense of the navy was about 236,0007. a year, and that of the army about 444,0007., making together 680, ooo/. This result is, however, far from being complete, as ordnance stores and money spent on local forces are left out of the account, more than 10,000 soldiers, for instance, being employed in garrisons. 1 647 ESTIMATE OF THE REVENUE. 193 Whilst it would be hazardous even to guess at the amount of Parliamentary expenditure, it is not quite impossible to form Estimate of a conjectural estimate of the revenue of 1647 which the Crown may not be very far distant from the truth. The Royal income at this time gathered in by the Parlia- mentary authorities can hardly have exceeded 450,0007., if, indeed, it reached that amount, 1 though in 1635 it had been estimated at 6i8,ooo/. Of this revenue the only head on The which we have definite information is that of the customs. customs. In 1635 the customs brought in 328,0007. ; in 1643 they had dropped as low as 165,0007. ; in 1647, after some fluctuations, they brought in 262,ooo/. 2 An income of 450,0007. was manifestly inadequate to meet even a peace-expenditure, especially if any considerable part of the army was to be kept on foot. Nothing, therefore, Inadequacy , ...... of the was for the present heard of any proposal to diminish those additional sources of revenue which had been opened by Parliamentary Ordinances since the beginning of 1 In 1660 (Part. Hist. iv. 118) the revenue which Charles I. had enjoyed just before the Civil War was estimated at 819,0007. From this must be deducted, to arrive at the amount of it receivable in 1647, pay- ments which had ceased to be made before that date : Casual and dropped payments .... 45,000 Court of Wards 100,000 Decrease of Customs 138,000 Post Office 21,000 304,000 leaving 515,0007. I have deducted a further 65,OOO/. as a moderate estimate of the general decline of revenue owing to the ravages of the war, thus bringing my estimate down to 450,0007. a The receipts from customs were as follows : 1643. 165,000 1644 225,000 1645 192,000 1646 276,000 1647 262,006 A'. 0. Audit Office Declared Accounts. The drop in 1647, when a large VOL. III. O I 9 4 FINANCIAL DISORDER. CH. XLVI. the war. These were, in the main, three the excise, the assessment, and Royalist forfeitures and compositions. The excise, which pressed on all classes alike, was levied not only on food and drink, but on goods of almost every description. In the three years beginning with 1647 it averaged 330,0007. l The assessment raised by Assessment. mont h} v payments from the counties for the support of the New Model Army was estimated at 641,0007. a year. 2 Composi- The compositions, taking the average of eight years tions. beginning in 1643, yielded an annual revenue of General l62,OOO/. 3 estimate of revenue. Upon these data, therefore, a rough estimate of the revenue of 1647 becomes possible: Crown revenue 450,000 Excise . . . . . . . . 330,000 Assessment ....... 641,000 Compositions ....... 162,000 1,583,000 The produce of the sale of forfeited lands is not included in this estimate, as it was usually either kept for the payment of debt, or given away to persons who had incurred losses in the service of the State, or were held to be specially deserving of reward. As the assessment money was badly paid, the actual revenue was. in all probability far below 1,583,0007. This sum, however, even if it had been gathered in, would have been quite inadequate for the maintenance of the existing army and navy in addition to the very large current ex- penses of government, especially as there can be little doubt that peculation prevailed to a considerable extent. That this increase of taxation, and especially the imposition of the excise, weighed heavily on the poor does not admit of doubt, though the employment of large numbers of agricultural increase would naturally be expected, is probably accounted for by the badness of the harvest in 1646 and 1647. 1 A'. O. Aiidit Office Declared Accounts. 2 L.J. vii. 204. 3 Pretace to Mrs. Everett Green's Calendar of S. P. Dom. 1649-1650, p. ix. 1 647 LABOURERS' WAGES. 195 labourers as soldiers no doubt afforded an escape for the more vigorous. The economical position of those who remained The labour- at home cannot be accurately defined. In many ing class. places they suffered from military violence, but, in spite of the disturbed state of the country, wages appear to have remained much at the level at which they had stood before the war, that is to say, at 7^. a day, with a tendency to rise to &/., this sum being, however, supplemented by the produce of the domestic labour of wives and daughters, by pasturage on commons, and by fowling on moor and fen. Yet the greatest suffering to which the labourer was at this time subjected arose from a cause entirely independent of Bad human agency. The year 1646 was the first of a harvests. se ries of six years in which the harvest was deplor- ably bad; wheat, which even in plentiful years seldom fell below 305-. a quarter, standing at an average of 58^. 7f^., and for the three years beginning with 1647, even at an average of 6 5 s - Z\d- It is true tna t the labourer seldom, if ever, tasted wheaten bread ; but the oats, the rye, and the pease which formed the staple of his diet rose in like proportion. On the other hand, meat did not rise to the same extent, the increase of price being about 50 per cent, in the worst years, whereas the price of bread had more than doubled. 1 In one respect, indeed, the position of the labourer may seem to have been c. A worse than at the present day. A statute was in Wages fixed ' . by the existence which directed that his wages should be fixed by the justices of the peace. Yet the absence of complaint, at a time when every possible grievance found advocates, seems to show that on this score no feeling of re- sentment was entertained, and indeed there is strong reason to believe that this law was usually if not altogether disregarded. At all events the justices, where they acted in accordance with 1 Rogers, Hist, of Agriculture and Prices, v. 205, 623 ; vi. 54, 286. Those who calculate the relative value of money in the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries sometimes forget that, though most commodities were at far lower prices than they are at present, the price of grain was as high or higher. Mutton was ordinarily at 3^., beef at 2d. a pound. Did the labourer eat iccre meat than at present? O 2 196 FINANCIAL DISORDER. CH. xr.Vi. the law, recognised the strength of the labourer's case for higher wages by raising them gradually, till in 1651 they fixed The labourer them at is. id. a day. 1 As a factor in the religious political an( * political disputes of the time the agricultural factor. labourer counted for nothing. No evidence exists to show that he cared for either King or Parliament. The party which brought him peace and abolished the excise would have his good will, whatever that might be worth. The effect of the war on other classes is more easily traced. In the spring of 1645 the fall of rents even in the Associated Burdens Counties which had been untouched by war, was d n asset r estimated at a seventh, and it is probable that this FaiHn off was to ^ ow ^ es ^ mate - ^ ne proprietor complained of rents. that a fourth part of his leases in Suffolk had been returned on his hands, and that from some parts of his estate he received less than half of the income which he had enjoyed before the war. 2 In the North, the injury to property had been exceptionally severe. In the five years ending in 1646, the Earl of Northumberland had lost either by actual damage or by the non-payment of rents 42,5oo/. 3 In Wirral Hundred, Cheshire, the rental of thirty-one estates dropped, between 1642 and 1647, from 4,142^ to 2,0477. ; and in Gloucestershire the rental of twenty-seven estates was similarly reduced from 6,5427. to 3,24i/., the fall to about half the amount being the same in both cases. 4 From a modern point of view, the most faulty part of Par- liamentary finance was the exaction of the Royalist composi- tions. In the case of civil war we feel at once the Royalist composi- injustice of marking off as specially guilty one por- tion of the population, and the folly of exasperating that portion by laying special burdens on its shoulders. To 1 See Cunningham's Growth of English Industry and Commerce in Modern Times, 195-200. - D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. 166, fol. 2iob. 3 Report, Sept. 1646 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Reports, iii. 86. 4 Calendar of the Proceedings of the Committee for Compounding, part i. pp. 60, 85. In both calculations I have omitted rents given under only one date. 1647 TREATMENT OF DELINQUENTS. 197 these considerations the men of the seventeenth century were blind. They had before them the precedents of the sweeping confiscations of estates of traitors by a long line of kings, and of the fines imposed on Catholics by the recusancy laws of the reign of Elizabeth. In their eyes the delinquent was as the traitor or the recusant had been. He had, as they fully be- lieved, broken up the peace and order of the realm without adequate excuse, and with this idea firmly fixed in their minds, it is to their credit that they contented themselves with pecu- niary mulcts, and, save in the instances of Stratford and Laud, had abstained from shedding the blood of their political opponents on the scaffold. It is true that in every treaty with the King it was proposed to except a few of his adherents from pardon, but at the end of the war even these were allowed to leave the Banishment and con- realm without hindrance, though the whole of their property was confiscated. Other Royalists were treated with more leniency in accordance with a system which had been gradually brought into existence. On March 27. March 27, 1643, an Ordinance declared that all who tion Ordi- had directly or indirectly assisted the King were to be reckoned as delinquents, and that their property was to be sequestered by the Committee of the county in Aug. 19. which it was situated. Another Ordinance on Au- forwTveTand g ust T 9 mitigated this sentence so far as to set aside children. a sum) no t exceeding a fifth of the sequestered in- come of the delinquent, for the benefit of his wife and children. 1 In 1644, by summoning the Oxford Parliament, Charles unwittingly brought about an amelioration in the lot of some who had hitherto supported him. On January 30, Jan. 3 o. m that year, the Houses at Westminster, being Exceptional . , .. composi- anxious to attract deserters, offered pardon to all Royalists who would submit before a certain date. To this offer was affixed the condition that those who took 1 Husbands' Collection, 13, 296. For the date of the first Ordinance see L.J. v. 672. See also vol. i. 100 198 FINANCIAL DISORDER. CH. XLVI. advantage of it should compound for their delinquency by the payment of a sum to be assessed on them towards the relief of the public burdens. 1 Thirteen persons who submitted on these terms were allowed to compound by paying a sum usually equal to two years' purchase of their estates, 2 and after the expiration of the term fixed, special leave was given to others to compound in the same way. 3 It was not till October 1645, after the capture of Bristol, when the whole of England was falling under the power of the l645 . Parliament, that this method of dealing with Royal General 4 " ists was ma de general. All who would submit before composition. December i were to be admitted to composition. 4 This limit of time was subsequently extended, and thus every opportunity given to all desirous of making their peace, save those whose names were on the list of persons exempted from pardon. Delinquents who wished to free their estates from seques- The Gold tra tion had accordingly to present themselves before smiths' Hall the Committee for compounding which sat at Gold- smiths' Hall. This Committee, which was at first composed only of members of the House of Commons, was l647 . modified by an Ordinance of February 6, 1647, after its^econ- which date it consisted of members of both Houses, struction. w [fa tne addition of a few persons who were not members of either House. 5 The first step required of the The deiin- Delinquent appearing before this Committee was the quango taking of the Covenant and of the Negative Oath, by Covenant which he bound himself never again to bear arms Negative against the Parliament. After this he had to declare the full value of his estate, any misstatement render- assica- ^ ^im ^able to a heavy fine. These prelimina- deimquents. r i es having been accomplished, delinquents were arranged in classes. Members of Parliament, for instance, might be deprived of half of their estates, whilst undistinguished 1 See vol. i. 301. 2 c.J. iii. 572. 3 As for instance to Serjeant Glanvile, id. iii. 720. 4 Husbands' Collection, 751. 5 C.J. v. 78. 1 647 THE DELINQUENT CLERGY. 199 Royalists might escape on payment of a sixth part. The rates exacted, however, varied from time to time. 1 Whatever rnay be thought of the treatment of the Royalist gentry, it was at least better than the treatment of the Royalist Condition clergy. The gentleman might have to sell or mort- dlinquent g a g e P art of m ' s land > or to cut down the woods gentry ; which were the pride of his estate, in order to pay his fine, but after this his account with Parliament was closed, and he was free to enjoy what was left to him. The and of the J J delinquent clergyman noted either as a Royalist, or as attached to Episcopacy or the Prayer Book, was ejected from his living, and was thus deprived at one sweep of his means of Fifths aid nvenno cl ; excepting so far as he profited by the to wife and fifth of his late income, which was payable to children. . . .. , , .. . . his wife and children in the same way as to lay delinquents whose property was sequestered, though in his case it was payable not by the committee of sequestration, but Their by the incumbent who had succeeded him. That sometimes tn * s n ^ tn was g ru< ^g m ^y paid, and sometimes abso- withheid. lutely withheld, has often been asserted, and it is highly probable that the charge was in many cases well founded. As far, however, as can be judged from the frag- mentary evidence which has come down to us, the dispossessed Action of c l er gy ft en obtained their rights from the Committee the Com- for Plundered Ministers, which, though it had been Plundered originally instituted to provide benefices for the Puritan clergy driven from their livings by the King's forces, ultimately acquired a practical supervision over the financial side of ecclesiastical affairs, and frequently intervened to secure the payment of the fifths. 2 Another piece of evidence points in the same direction. In each county there existed a committee charged with the general management of affairs in the Parliamentary interest, and it 1 Preface to Mrs. Everett Green's Calendar of the Committee for Com- pounding, * Proceedings of the Committee of Plundered Ministers, Add. MSS. 15, 669-71. 200 FINANCIAL DISORDER. CH. XLVI. appears from the minute-book of the Dorset Committee, the only one whose records are now accessible, 1 that in that county at least the payment of fifths was enforced. In one and of the . Dorset instance, in which the Puritan incumbent refused to pay them to the wife of his predecessor, on the ground that his conscience would not allow him to support malignants, the committee promptly placed his living in the hands of trustees, giving them directions first to pay over the fifths to the wife, and only after she had been satisfied to make over the remainder to the actual holder of the benefice. It is needless to inquire minutely into the numbers of the ejected clergy. Whether it exceeded or fell short of 2,000 2 is of no historical importance. The real significance Significance ... . , of the eject- of the ejectment is that it rendered permanent the ecclesiastical disruption of the English Church. At the time of the Reformation that Church had been brought under two distinct influences. On the one hand, there was a Twoeie conservative reverence for the past, moulded by the mentsofthe critical spirit of the Renascence ; and, on the other, Reforma- a readiness to adopt, first from Zwingli, and after- wards from Calvin, a system built up out of the study of the Bible itself, without regard to the historical development of Christianity. During the Elizabethan struggle with Spain and Rome the latter influence had been preponderant, and when, in the reigns of James and Charles, a new and rising school amongst the clergy threw itself back on the teaching of the more conservative reformers, it suffered from the enor- mous disadvantage of having very few lay supporters. The country gentlemen, slow to move, were Calvinists almost to a Union man ; and though time would probably have mo- betweenthe dified their sentiments, Laud's impatient violence clergy and checked the natural course of intellectual develop- ment. What Laud had failed to do the Long Par- liament had gone far to accomplish. It had singled out the 1 This book is in the possession of W. R. Bankes, Esq., of Kingston Lacy, where he kindly allowed me to examine it. 2 Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy ; Calamy's The Church and the Dissenters, 1647 CHURCH PARTIES. 201 Royalist gentleman and the anti-Calvinist clergyman for special penalties, with the result that every Royalist gentleman became not only a sworn foe to Puritanism, but a reverent admirer of doctrines and practices which ten years before he had pro- nounced to be detestable. Community of suffering draws friends more closely together than community of enjoyment. Nor was the work of consolidation amongst the Royalists confined to the healing of the breach between the clergy and Disappear- the laity. Minor differences no less tended to dis- m n inor f appear. Amongst the laity Hyde and Culpepper differences. were m c i ose combination with Charles, whose policy they had long combated ; and amongst the clergy Shel- don and Morley, the friends of Falkland, were at one with Jeremy Taylor, the pupil and disciple of Laud. The whole phalanx of the opposition to the Long Parliament had closed its ranks. It would be some time before this union would tell to the advantage of the losing, party. Numerous as were the Royalist gentry, they were defeated and overthrown. Without armed force or political organisation, they had but to receive the law from their conquerors. Moreover the Presbyterian party in Parliament was also mainly composed of country gentlemen, and so long as the gentry were divided amongst themselves, the weight and influence of their class would be unable to tell. The adoption of Presbyterianism in 1643 had been the result of mixed motives, in which the desire to conciliate the Pariia- Scots was the dominant factor. Many therefore wno voted for its establishment approved in their hearts of a very different kind of Presbyterianism from that of Scotland a Presbyterianism such as had appeared in the Root and Branch Bill, in which there were no Church courts, and in which all ecclesiastical jurisdiction was exercised by lay commissioners. Even when Parliament authorised the establishment of Presbyterianism its mode of doing so was of the nature of a compromise, as the Church courts although called into existence were subjected to the control of the lay Parliament. In practice the system established was even more remote from the Scottish system. Though the often repeated 202 FINANCIAL DISORDER. CH. XLVI. statement that Presbyterianism was only established in London and Lancashire is very far from the truth, 1 yet it is true that for some little time only London and Lancashire accepted the new scheme : London because there was there a strong middle class to take possession of the eldership ; Lanca- shire because a strong Puritan organisation was made popular by the presence of a strong Roman Catholic element in the population. If, however, the Dorset Committee Book may be trusted as an exponent of the system which prevailed in the rest of Eng- The Church l an d and there seems no reason why it should county e c om- not tne new Church organisation outside London mittees. an( j Lancashire resembled that of the Root and Branch Bill far more than that of the later Parliamentary Ordi- nances. In place of the lay commissioners of that Bill, there were the county committees. These committees indeed had no definite authority to govern the Church, and did not inter- fere in any high-handed fashion unless in cases in which the patronage of a living was under sequestration. Otherwise patrons still presented to the livings in their gift, and when the committee assumed the right of exercising patronage be- longing to delinquents, it appointed the candidate most accept- able to the parishioners, subject to his being able to produce a certificate of orthodoxy and good conduct from three approved ministers. With the Dorset Committee at least interference with the Church went little farther. In the course of many years it only Want of silenced two ministers, one for using portions of the discipline. Book o f Common Prayer, and the other a separatist preacher near Weymouth, whom, however, it only ventured to meddle with on the pretext that his sermons attracted the soldiers of the garrison from their duties, and thus exposed the fortifica- tions to an attack from the enemy. Public worship for the most part followed the rules laid down in the Directory, but of 1 See especially the introduction to the Minutes to the Manchester Classes, edited for the Chetham Society by Mr. W. A. Shaw, who will, I hope, conduct a more exhaustive inquiry into the history of English Presbyterianism than is possible in these pages. 1 647 THE PURITAN CLERGY. 203 internal discipline in the parishes themselves there is no trace, a fact which goes far to explain the ease with which the country The Puritan at l ar g e > m s pi te of occasional ebullitions of feeling unSSep 1 ? when maypoles were cut down and Christmas sports able. prohibited, accepted ecclesiastical changes thorough enough in other times to set every county in England ablaze. The notion that Englishmen were at this time ardently craving for relief from the Puritan teaching is one which receives no countenance from documentary evidence. If they were ever driven to revolt, it would be by a desire to throw off the burden of taxes or to free themselves^ from military rule, not from any eagerness to change the Puritan doctrines for those which found credence amongst the cultivated divines who adhered to the fortunes of Charles. Whatever their motives might be, the gentry of both parties were eventually swept into the current which made for a Re- A study of storation. Even at the opening of the year 1647 mteretl influences drawing them in that direction were in desirable. operation, influences which will be better estimated by dropping generalities for a time, and by studying the par- ticular career of some personage who was not a violent partisan of one side or the other. Happily knowledge of this sort, though rarely attainable, is offered by the voluminous correspondence of the Verneys of The Claydon. Since the death of Sir Edmund Verney, Sa r ydon. f who fell at Edgehill with the King's standard in his character hands, his eldest son, Sir Ralph Verney, had become the head of the family. Sir Ralph was formed after Verney. the best model of an English country gentleman. Critical by nature ; he was, till near the close of a long life, the opponent of every government in turn. He was alike dissatis- fied with Laud, with the Presbyterians and the Independents, with Charles II. and James II. At last in extreme old age he died, politically contented as a member of Parliament under William and Mary. In this Sir Ralph was the type of his class and age. His own tender and self- reproachful character was reflected in his melancholy face. In 1650, on the death of his wife whom he dearly loved, he wrote to an intimate friend that 204 FINANCIAL DISORDER. CH. XLVI so solemn a time was a fitting occasion to search into the faults of his past life. Once in his youth, he confessed, he had been A youthful 'fond of a little face,' but the tale which followed escapade. was f ar f rO m being one of passion or sin. The ' little face ' was of painted glass in a church window. Slipping out in the dark from the house in which he was then staying, the young Ralph had mounted a ladder and carried off the prize. Years afterwards his conscience continued to prick him, and gave him no rest till his friend promised to visit the church and to drop two shillings into the poor-box, in atonement for the boyish theft. 1 So delicate a conscience could ill brook the rough wear and tear of public life. Sir Ralph, who was a member of the !6 43 . Long Parliament, had remained at Westminster SfuSShe when his father joined the King. In 1643, in con- Covenant, sequence of some religious scruple, the exact nature of which is unknown, he refused to take the Covenant. Having no sympathy with Royalism, he also refused to join the King, and betook himself with his wife and two of his three children to Rouen, from which place he afterwards removed to Blois. The rental of his estates might seem to be enough to secure him a comfortable living, as from his Buckinghamshire property alone he received slightly more than i,ooo/. a year, 2 and he had also property in Oxfordshire and Berkshire, the additional income from which sufficed at a later date, even after some of these lands had been sold, to raise his total income to more than i,5oo/. 3 His estates, considerable according to the reckoning of those days, were, however, not only heavily mortgaged to pay 1 Sir R. Verney to Dr. Denton, June 2, 1650, Verney MSS. It is characteristic of the artistic, weakness of the age that Sir Ralph adds that the glass was but a trifle, and that he could have had a piece of white glass put in for twopence. In letters written during a visit to Italy, he has no admiration to bestow on anything except a certain grotto at Rome. Since these pages were written, the most interesting portions of these letters have been printed in Lady Verney's Memoirs of the Verney Family during the Civil War. '* Calendar of the Proceedings of the Committee for Compounding^ 68. 3 Sir R. Verney to Mrs. Isham, Aug. 22, 1655, Verney MSS. 1643 ?//? RALPH'S TROUBLES. 205 off debts contracted by his father during his life at Court, but were burdened with rent-charges 1 payable to his three brothers His estates an( ^ ^ ve unmarried sisters, one sister only having encumbered. b een marr i e d before his father's death. After these payments had been disbursed, the amount left to himself was but small even in good times, and when times were hard it threatened to disappear altogether. What was worse, brothers and sisters for the most part agreed in considering his purse inexhaustible, and were constantly applying to him for addi- tions to their scanty incomes, 407. having been according to his father's disposal of his property the allowance of each of the sons, and 2o/. of each of the daughters. Accordingly, Sir Ralph had been forced to pawn his plate to pay the expenses of his journey to France. 2 Before many He pawns months passed he is found complaining that he has his plate. h a( } to make U p the income of his sister Susan to 4o/. "Would to God," he writes, "every one of my children were sure of 4o/. a year to keep them from starving, and I should sleep much the quieter, I assure you. Certainly, if the taxes, the fall of rents, and other unavoidable losses, together with how many depend upon me, were well considered, it would appear a more liberal allowance than I perceive she deems it." 3 In one respect Sir Ralph was more fortunate than his neighbours. In the beginning of the war he obtained a letter of protection for Claydon from the Earl of Essex on double pro- account of his own adoption of the Parliamentary cause, and another from Rupert on account of his father's services to the King and his death at Edgehill. Hoping, accordingly, that his house would be safe from plun- derers to whichever side they belonged, Sir Ralph offered it 1 This is not literally accurate, as the income of two sisters was to be paid out of a pension of 4OO/. on the alnage revenue, payable to the Crown by the Duke of Lennox (see Memoirs of the Verney Family ', ii. 431). As, however, this security was not now available, Sir Ralph paid the income of his sisters out of his own estate, thus practically converting the burden into a rent-charge. Sir R. Verney to Edmund Verney, Nov. 1643. Verney MSS. 3 Sir R. Verney to Dorothy Leke, May f s , 1644. Ibid. 206 FINANCIAL DISORDER. CH. XLVI. as a refuge to any of his five unmarried sisters who might be unable to find a home with other relatives. It ii was but a poor retreat at the best for young girls in time of war, with no woman of their own rank to guide their steps. In the summer of 1644 four of Sir Ralph's sisters were at Claydon. Two of these, Susan and Penelope or, to give them the names by which they were invariably known The'partyat amongst their friends, Sue and Pen were young :iaydon. womeri) wm ' lst the ^fagc two, Mary and Elizabeth, were still children. With them was Sir Ralph's youngest son, John, a child in weak health. The remaining unmarried sister Margaret, or Peg, had for the time found a home elsewhere. Sue and Pen at this time kept up a constant correspon- dence with their brother abroad. In their letters is never to Letters of De found any appreciation of the great issues of the Sue and Pen. s t rU ggi e raging around them, nor is there any sign of their possessing any kind of intellectual interest. Their minds are entirely occupied with the everyday affairs of life, and they fill the sheets which they despatch with querulous complaints now of one person, now of another. Pen is vexed because the nurse of her little nephew refuses to act also as lady's maid to herself and to comb her hair. Sue is out of temper because Mrs. Alcock, Sir Ralph's housekeeper, expects her to pay 257. a year out of the 4o/. which was now her income for her ' diet, and half a maid's,' besides requiring her to find ' firing, candles, and soap ' at her own expense. Sir Ralph had as little comfort from his brothers as from his sisters. Tom, the eldest of the three, was in the course of a long life guilty of every villainy short of murder, and was constantly dunning Sir Ralph for money in the most sanctimonious language. The next, the chivalrous and affectionate Edmund, 1 was fighting on the King's side, and, by some mischance, his letters, full of the tenderest feeling, miscarried, leaving Sir Ralph under the impression that his best-loved brother was as heartless as the rest. Henry, the youngest, was a cold-hearted man of the world, whose chief interest lay in horse-racing, and who lived through the civil 1 See vol. i. 5. 1 644 SUE VERNE Y'S TROUBLES. 207 wars in a well-to-do fashion, though there is nothing in the family correspondence to indicate the sources of his income. The fortune of war played sad havoc amongst the Verney kindred. In the spring of 1644, Hillesdon House, hard by Losses by Claydon, the residence of Sir Ralph's Royalist cousin, Sir Alexander Denton, was stormed by Cromwell and burnt to the ground, Sir Alexander himself being lodged in the Tower. Later in the year a son of Sir Alexander, John Denton, was killed in a fight near Abingdon. " I think," wrote Mrs. Isham, an aunt of Sir Ralph and Sir Alexander, " if these times hold there will be no men left for women." l Matters, however, had not reached that stage as yet. A Royalist, Colonel Smith, who was one of the Hillesdon A marriage prisoners transferred to the Tower, employed his in the Tower. en f orce d leisure in courting Sir Alexander's daughter. The couple were married, and, soon after the ceremony had been performed, Smith succeeded in effecting his escape. Suspicion of having aided in his evasion fell not only on his young wife, but also on Mrs. Isham, who lived in London, and in this suspicion Sue Verney, who was visiting her aunt at the time, was unfortunately involved. The charge, however, could not be substantiated against any one of the three ladies, and Sue's im- after a week's imprisonment they were all released, prisonment. imprisonment in those days was expensive as well as unpleasant. The houses which had been occupied by persons arrested were usually ransacked by constables in the hope of finding evidence against them, and property was apt to dis- appear in the process. "I lost," wrote Sue to her brother, " almost all my linen, and the best of it new, so I have not any left that is fit to wear." 2 Once more Mrs. Isham's melancholy forebodings were falsified. Sue had before long more pleasing tidings to impart. Sue's en- "My brother Thomas," she wrote in November gagement. 1644, " has wished me to a gentleman which has a very good fortune for me, for he has at the least 3oo/. a year." All the Verney sisters were Royalists, and Sue, therefore, was 1 Mrs. Isham to Sir R. Verney, Aug. 15, Verney MS 'S. 2 Sue Verney to Sir R. Verney, Oct. ? Ibid. 208 FINANCIAL DISORDER. CH. XLVI. careful to add that if the gentleman had not been on the King's side, she would ' not think of it.' He was, it appeared, a widower without children, so that the match was in every way desirable. Unfortunately he was at the time ' a prisoner for his sovereign.' Before long, however, it came out that, as a matter of fact, John Alport, the gentleman in question, was confined as a debtor in the Fleet. Being a good-natured, weak man, he had become security for a 'friend, who had allowed the burden to rest upon his shoulders rather than on his own. 1 Tom's activity in match-making was doubtless not unre- warded, and his next achievement was to find a suitor for Pen, a certain Mr. Thorne, who was also a widower, but Pen's en- whose estate was worth as much as 5oo/. a year. ent ' Henry Verney, who also interested himself in the affair, wrote to Sir Ralph, who was, of course, expected to find portions for the two girls, that Thorne is deeply in love with Pen, and ' presents her daily both with his purse and person.' 2 Then ensued the usual wrangle over the settlements, which, in time of peace, would probably have ended in a compromise. As it was, Thorne stood to his demands. He must have the interest of i,ooo/. and good security for the capital. Sir Ralph offered an allowance of 5o/. a year to his sister, Thorne insisted on an engagement to make over land worth i,ooo/. within three years of the marriage. Sir Ralph, heavily indebted The and harassed by claims on every side, declared this ment broken to be impossible, and the ardent lover broke off the engagement. Some years afterwards Pen married one of her Denton cousins without any settlement at all. Her husband, who was given to drink, had before marriage promised to abandon his bad habits if she would accept him, a promise which, it need hardly be said, was not strictly observed. In Sue's case there were somewhat similar difficulties. She was constantly flinging her poverty and her thriftiness in her brother's face. On March 6, 1645, she wrote that she had 1 Sue Verney to Sir R. Verney, Nov. 6. Verney AfSS. 2 The correspondence on this affair is too voluminous for special quotations. 1645 SUE VERNE Y^S MARRIAGE. 209 but one gown, of * very coarse stuff,' which had cost her ' but forty shillings, tailor's bill and all.' The greater part of her Sue's corre- wardrobe, she again complained, had disappeared at spondence. tne t j me o f her imprisonment. "I was left," she declared, " so bare in shifts that I was fain to wear my Aunt Isham's, whilst 1 I could make some very coarse ones, for fine I could not buy, and I never ware any so bad in all my life." 2 Then followed long pleadings for money. Sir Ralph did his utmost this time, even offering land as security if a loan could be raised upon it. His father's half-brother, Sir John Difficulty , T . . / -.T i i i i of raising Leke, wrote in July 1045, just after Naseby had been fought, and when, therefore, the worst stress of the war was at an end, that one of his friends might possibly be induced to lend, but his name was not to be disclosed, 'so jealous are they of discovery, for no man must be known to have money.' 3 On his side, Sir Ralph pleaded the difficulty of giving security that would be considered satisfactory in the City. " It is true," he wrote, " my estate at present lies Sir Ralph ' impover- ... in the midst of troubles. I have no remedy for that. Were it in my power to remove it, I would soon place it in the midst of Cheapside to encourage the moneyed citizens to lend upon it." 4 In a little less than two years he had received but QO/. out of which to meet his own family expenses. " Losses, taxes, brothers, sisters, and some little interest hath swallowed up the rest, and yet I Sue's am railed at beyond measure." 5 Finally, in August marriage. ., . _, T . . , , 1646, Sue was married to John Alport, and spent her honeymoon happily in the Fleet prison. It was not only on the Verney family that the pressure of An offer the times fell. " I have lately received your letter," refused. wrote anot h er young lady to her suitor, " by which I perceive you have received mine, wherein I sent you 1 i.e. until. 2 Sue Verney to Sir R. Verney, March 16. Verney MSS. 3 Sir J. Leke to Sir R. Verney, July 3. Ibid. 4 Sir R. Verney to Sir J. Leke, Aug. n. Ibid. 5 Sir R. Verney to Dr. Denton, Sept. 3. />/ informed him of his misfortune, " your most sad letter . . . which I confess brought me tidings of one of the greatest and most inexpressible afflictions that ever yet befel me, for which my soul shall mourn in secret." 1 One thing alone was clear to him. He could not soil his conscience by taking the Covenant, even to avoid beggary itself. He soon and learnt that beggary was impending. Though his whh a se" ed onlv fault was absence from Parliament, and though questration. h e na( j never even breathed a word in the King's favour, the sequestration of his estate was talked of at West- minster. It was no mere question of a composition which would have compelled him to sell a portion of his estate to save the rest. No one was admitted to compound till he had nrst taken the Covenant, and the Covenant Sir Ralph would not take. Months, however, passed by without news of the dreaded sentence, and during this long period of ciaydon suspense, fear alternated with hope. It was not ' until October 14, 1646, that Ciaydon was actually sequestered. Though the story of the Verneys is but the story of a single The story family, it is a sample of the miseries weighing on Vemtys many hearts, which combined to produce an ardent a sample. longing for peace as the only possible relief. 1 Sir R. Verney to Sir R. Burgoyne, Oct. 10, Verney MSS. ; C.J. iv. 282. P 2 212 CHAPTER XLVII. THE PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. ON February 3, 1647, Charles set out from Newcastle, travel- ling to Holmby House by easy stages, under the guardianship of Commissioners of the English Parliament. At Feb. 7 3 . Ripon he touched for the King's evil. As he ap- SswufOT preached Leeds, the road, for about two miles, was Holmby. crowded with persons who had ostensibly come to Touching be restored to health by his wonder-working hands, for the but w ho were for the most part attracted by curiosity. 1 King s evil. r J J Curiosity easily passed into enthusiasm. Royalism had gained favour in the North during the Scottish occupation, A hearty and wherever the King passed bells were rung and welcome. every sign of rejoicing was shown. When he drew near Nottingham, Fairfax rode out to meet him, alighted from Feb. 13. his horse, and kissed his hand. " The General," mel 1 ? said Charles to one of the commissioners, " is a man Charles. o f honour. He hath been faithful to his trust, and kept his word with me." 2 Some thought of the lip-service of the Scottish nobility doubtless rose in Charles's mind as he spoke, but everything that he witnessed on his journey con- Charies tributed to put him in a good humour. Even in in North- Puritan Northamptonshire hundreds of the gentry amptonshire. , . . . ' ... appeared to escort him, and in Northampton itself bells were rung and guns fired in his honour. Wherever he 1 The Commissioners to the Speaker of the House of Lords, Feb. 3, 9. L.J. viii. 713; ix. 6. -J The Kings Majesty'' s Speech, E. 377, 12. 1647 CHARLES AT HOLM BY. 213 showed himself he was greeted with shouts of " God bless your Feb 16 M a J estv ' " VVhen he reached Holmby, though still He reaches practically a captive, he fancied his cause half won, Holmby. , . ,. . . and was in excellent spirits. 1 In truth, the welcome accorded to Charles was very similar to that which had deluded him on his return from Scotland in Explanation l6 4i- His subjects were sick of heavy taxation, of popuL- t ^ ie continual existence of an army which made taxa- weicome. t i on necessary, and of the yoke of the County Com- mittees ; but they were not yet in a mood to cast themselves unreservedly at his feet. " No man knows," was the burden of a letter from Northampton, " what a bondage it is to be under the power of an army, but they that feel it." To settle the Church that is to say, to establish Presbyterianism ; to defend the King from libellers, and to put down the committee- men, were, according to a lively rhymesterj all the steps which it was necessary to take for the consolidation of of gaining peace. 2 It seemed hardly possible to garner in the the King. . e . , , c results of the war and to secure the permanence of the religious and political institutions which had grown up during its course if there was to be a complete change in the form of government. If the King refused to take his place at the head of the new order of things, the outlook would indeed be gloomy. Distractions of every kind would be multiplied as each section of the community strove to embody in new consti- tutional forms its own views of that which was necessary or desirable. It was the reluctance to face this danger of drifting into anarchy which led each party in turn to make efforts to win Charles over to its side, whilst Charles's persistency in abiding by his own ideals was to render every one of these efforts futile. Already, before Charles set out from Newcastle, the leading January. Presbyterian Peers, Warwick, Holland, and Man- FreTbyterian chester, combined with Northumberland, who repre- negotiation. se nted the less thoroughgoing Independents, to trace out the lines of a pacification which would, as they hoped, 1 The King's Majesty's Propositions, E. 377, 1 6. 2 The Copy of a Letter, E. 373, 20; Time's Whirligig, E. 374, 10. 214 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLVII. be less objectionable to the King than the propositions offered to him in the preceding year. They took for the basis of their scheme the concession of Presbyterianism for three years which Charles himself had suggested in September, 1 but which he had in his private correspondence explained to be a contriv- ance by which he hoped to gain the ultimate re-establishment of Episcopacy. According to the proposals now made Charles was to concede Presbyterianism for three years and the militia for ten, whilst he would no longer be asked to sign the Covenant. On his acceptance of these conditions, he was to be invited to come to Theobalds, or to some other place in the immediate neighbourhood of London. Bellievre, who had been admitted to the consultations in which this plan was concocted, engaged to forward it to Henrietta Maria, in order that, if she approved of it, she might transmit it to her husband. 2 That the Presbyterian leaders should thus have swallowed Charles's bait was a matter of capital importance. It was by The Pres- their acceptance of his terms that their coalition with swSfo^the tne Royalists, which almost restored him to the bait - throne in 1648, and which actually restored his son in 1660, was rendered possible. In so doing they had fallen back on the natural basis of Parliamentary statesmanship, a readiness to accept a compromise, and a belief that in the long run progress is attainable through the higgling of the political market. They calculated that before the three years had expired some arrangement would have been come to satisfactory both to the King and to themselves. Their greatest error was their failure to realise that in Charles they had to do with a man who regarded any possible compromise merely as a half- way house to the complete realisation of his own ideas, and that as long as they left to him the negative voice, he could reject any Bills presented to him, and so could by his mere silence restore Episcopacy, after the lapse of three years, to the legal position which it held in the summer of 1641. 1 See p. 1 66. 2 Bellievre to Mazarin, j^-f* R> O. Transcripts. Memorandum sent to Mazarin, Constitutional Documents, 226. 1647 HARSH DEALINGS WITH CHARLES. 215 There was certainly nothing in the language which at this time escaped Charles's lips to render it probable that he would Feb. io. yield on an Y important point. On February 10 a unguarded letter from one of the commissioners in attendance language. upon him was read in the House of Commons, from which it appeared that he had been so indiscreet as to say openly that, if he had but patience for six months, things would be in such confusion that he would obtain his ends without trouble. 1 A letter was intercepted in which Charles himself wrote to an old Cavalier, bidding him to keep himself in readi- ness and reminding him that there were still many honest men in England. So alarming were these revelations, Beiiievre that when Bellievre visited the City on the i2th with the object of urging the acceptance of the Presby- terian scheme, with certain modifications contained in a letter which he had received from the Queen, he found all doors closed against him. Peace, he wrote to Mazarin, was desired by the Royalists above all other things, but it was now the general opinion that Charles did not wish for peace. 2 Nor were the Presbyterians in Parliament more conciliatory than their brethren in the City. On February 9 the Commons Feb. 9 . ordered that the Communion plate of the Chapel Com- Kins s Royal should be melted down and transformed into a dinner service for the King's use. 3 On March 2 plate to be . melted. they declined to provide a household for him, appa- March 2 . rently to indicate that he was not to be treated as a hoid tobe King till he had accepted the Parliamentary terms. 4 provided. Q n the gth the Lords took tne initiative in refusing H^iTnot 8 ' hi s rec l uest to be allowed his own chaplains, a request allowed which Charles had hoped to make palatable by the his own * chaplains, specious plea that he needed their advice upon any proposals which might be made to him for the alteration of 1 " Qu'il est certain qu'ayant patience six mois toutes choses se brouilleront, en sorte que ses affaires se feront sans qu'il s'en mesle." Bellievre ascribes this letter to a brother of Sir Henry Mildmay, but there was no Mildmay amongst the commissioners. 2 Bellievre to Mazarin, Feb. . R. O. Transcripts. 3 Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 301. 4 C./. V. 102. 216 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLVII. religion. 1 "I wish," said Marten audaciously, when the vote of the Lords was brought down to the other House, "the King may have two chaplains, as I desire to prepare him for heaven." 2 The Commons, taking no notice of this outrageous argument, concurred with the Lords. Both Houses, in fact, were now controlled by a Presby- terian majority ; a considerable number of members who had previously voted with the Independents in order to be rid of the Scots, swinging round to the Presby- terians as soon as that object had been gained. The new majority, however, had no easy task before it. Its leaders, Difficulties Holies, Stapleton and the others, were men of no before it. special ability, and were hardly likely to succeed in persuading the King to acknowledge the doctrine of Parlia- mentary control. The problem with which they were im- mediately confronted was scarcely less difficult. The nation was crying out for a diminution of taxation, and no diminution of taxation was possible without a complete or partial disband- ment of the army. On February 15 there was a demonstration of popular feel- ing serious enough to startle Parliament into immediate financial Feb 15 act i n - A. man who had purchased an ox at Smith - A riot at field refused to pay the excise. The bystanders took Smithfield. . . his part, and in the tumult which ensued the collectors were cudgelled, their office burnt down, their books torn, and 8o/. scattered or carried off. It required the personal intervention of the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs to quell the disturbance. 3 The Presbyterians were ready enough to move in the direction in- Feb i6 dicated by the riot. On the next day they welcomed A Suffolk a petition from Suffolk asking for the establishment of Presbyterianism as the national religion, the sup- pression of an accursed toleration, and the disbandment of the army. 4 Before long the example of Suffolk was followed by most of the other Associated Counties. On February 18 the Presbyterian scheme for dealing with 1 L.J. ix. 68, 69. 2 Letter of Intelligence, March 18, Clarendon MSS. 2,472. 3 The Weekly Account, E. 377, 3. 4 L.J. ix. 18. 1647 MILITARY ARRANGEMENTS. 217 the army was brought forward in the Commons. It was first proposed that 6,600 horse and dragoons should be maintained Feb ig in England, and as this motion only involved the Scheme reduction of the existing force by 400, l it was agreed reduction of to without a division. The first serious conflict came on the following day, when the Presbyterians, na d at last found it necessary to make his jan 16 choice, between the Papal Nuncio and the English Dublin Parliament. 5 On January 16 the citizens of Dublin refuses to y . support his refused longer to support the 1,42-5 men who formed the only effective force remaining under his com- mand. 6 For a few days he continued to make head against this 1 There were 7,000 horse and dragoons in the New Model. 2 158 to 148. 3 CJ. v. 90, 91. < C.J. v. 91. 5 See p. 187. 6 Lambert to Ormond, Jan. 16 ; Petition of the Citizens of Dublin, Jan. 1 6, Carte MSS. fol. 145, 149. 218 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLVII. sea of troubles, but on February 6 he abandoned hope, and, waiving his former stipulation that he should not be required Feb 6 to leave Dublin till the King's consent had been He offers obtained, 1 he offered to surrender the Lord Lieu- render his tenantship to the English Parliament without any other conditions than those necessary to secure his own personal good treatment, 2 From the despatch in which Ormond announced his resolution, the Houses learnt that the Prospect of burden of the war in Ireland would henceforth fall f P the y EnJ- on tneir shoulders, and they were thus enabled lish soldiers. to o ff er se rvice in Ireland to those soldiers of the New Model who were unwilling to return to civil life. Before shaping out a plan for the reduction of Ireland, the House completed its scheme for the military establishment in English England. It was agreed that, with some stated ex- to^de* 0115 ceptions, the existing fortifications should be demo- moiished. Hshed. Walled towns were to be rendered easily accessible, whilst actual fortresses, like Ashby and Donnington, were to be so dealt with as to leave no more than picturesque ruins for the enjoyment of future generations. The fewer the defensible positions left, the less numerous would be the gar- risons to be kept in pay, and the more difficult would it be to resist the authority of the central government. Whatever merits the plan of the Presbyterians may have had, their mode of dealing with the army was most inopportune. They seem, indeed, to have thought that, with the nation on their side, they could afford to treat the army with contempt. March 4 . On March 4 the Lords, acting as though it were a n nt thing to rouse the indignation of every man in ^ e ran ks> rejected an Ordinance providing for the the army, continuance of the assessment on which the payment of the troops depended. 3 This vote proved to be only the March 6. nr st of a. long series of blunders. On the 6th the Se whlT Lords followed up their mistake by forbidding Fair- Fairfax. f ax to q uar ter his troops in the Eastern Association, as though they were anxious to reserve a space in which a new 1 See p. 161. 2 L.J. ix. 29. 8 Idem, ix. 57. 1647 REGIMENTS FOR IRELAND. 219 force might be brought into existence to hold head against the existing army. 1 In the Commons the conduct of the Presbyterian leaders was equally provocative. On the 5th they attempted to oust March Fairfax from the command of the horse and dragoons, Attack on which were henceforth to constitute the regular in the x army ; but at this point their followers broke away from them and frustrated their plans. On the 6th a Aietter from letter reached the House in which Fairfax, with every expression of good- will, offered to co-operate with Parliament in despatching troops to Ireland. On this the Numbers Commons proceeded to fix the numbers of the new ro h osed Irish army. It was to consist of 8,400 foot, 1,200 Irish army, dragoons, and 3,000 horse, making in all a force of 12,600 men. A further vote decided that this whole body of horse and foot should be formed out of the army under Fair- fax. 2 There would thus remain for disbandment about 6,000 foot. 3 As, however, the ambassadors of France and Spain Effect of were on the look-out for recruits, and as it was probable that many of the men desired to return to mentson their homes, the number of foot soldiers driven the exist- . .. . . ... ing army. against their inclinations to relinquish a military career could not be large. As far as the horse and dragoons were concerned, there were needed for England and Ireland together, 10,800 men, 4 or 3,800 more than Fairfax's army could produce. Having thus, as they fondly imagined, provided against any discontent amongst the soldiers, the Presbyterians struck at the higher organisation of the army. On March 8 the House resolved that, with the exception of Fairfax himself, there 1 L.J. ix. 66. - C.J. v. 107. 3 The number of foot originally in the New Model was 14,000. As 8,400 were wanted for Ireland, there would remain 5,600. As, however, the army was now slightly increased (Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31,116, fol. 306), the number of foot to be disposed of may be reckoned at about 6,000. 4 For England 6,600, and for Ireland 4,200 ; the horse and dragoons of the New Model being 7,000. 220 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLVII. should be no officer in the new army with rank above that of a colonel ; that no member of the House of Commons should hold any command in England, and that no An attack on one who refused to take the Covenant should be an officer at all. These resolutions, which were obviously directed at Cromwell's military position, were all carried with- out a division. A farther motion that all officers should conform to the government of the Church established by Parliament was the first which the Independents ventured to challenge, but on this they were beaten by a majority of 136 to loS. 1 It can hardly be doubted that if all England had been polled the result would have been overwhelmingly in favour of any scheme which would diminish or set aside the Majorities . and preponderance of the army. Yet a wise dealing minorities. ... , . - , _ with minorities is not the least of the arts of govern- ment, and in this art the Presbyterians had yet to prove their March i s ^^- On March 10, by their appointment, a long- A fast announced fast was held with the object of imploring against . . . . heresy and Divine protection against heresy and schism, and, unless Cromwell was misinformed, some 200 men were raised near Covent Garden to prevent the soldiers c from cutting the Presbyterians' throats.' On the March u. . ' A petition nth the Houses received a petition from Essex warning them against the danger of an approach of the army to the neighbourhood of the City, and imploring them that the petitioners might not ' be eaten up, enslaved, and destroyed by an army raised for ' their defence. Cromwells J comment A few days later Cromwell, writing to Fairfax, quoted this petition as showing that there wanted not 'in all places men who have so much malice against the army as besots them.' " Never," he added, " were the spirits of men more embittered than now. Surely the devil hath but a short time ! " 2 1 CJ. v. 107. 2 LJ. ix. 72. Cromwell to Fairfax, Carlyle, Letter xliii. In the original the letter is undated. Carlyle suggests that it was written on March n, but I incline to put it a few days later. The soldiers who were 1647 THE ARMY DISTRUSTED. 221 For the present at least the Presbyterians in the House of Commons refused to adopt this direct defiance of the army to Re i to wmcn the Essex petitioners had invited them. By the Essex the mouth of the Speaker, the House replied that it petitioners. . , , ,., had ' no cause of jealousy of the army, and liberty The army -!- to oppose Parliament mainly be- sition. cause they hoped to make use of the army to baffle the restrictive policy of the Presbyterians. Yet it was only by 1 L.J. ix. 112. Waller's Vindication, 49, 50. 2 Id. 51. 3 L.J. ix. 114. i647 THE CASE OF THE SOLDIERS. 225 placing the material interests of the soldiers in the foreground that they could hope to keep the army united. On all other matters it was far from homogeneous. Large num- bers of the soldiers cared little for politics or religion. On a question of the pocket they were ready to stand up as one man, and the question of the pocket was, in a Long arrears VQT y ^ sense > a pressing one. The pay of the owing. foot- soldiers was now eighteen weeks in arrear, and Need of an that of the horse and dragoons no less than forty- three. 1 The need of indemnity for injuries to life or property done in time of war was even more important. A soldier named Freeman had recently been subjected to an action on account of his conduct as a soldier ; and though the House of Commons had promptly interposed on his behalf, and had ordered the judges to dismiss all similar actions in future, 2 those who were exposed to danger were well-advised in asking that the question might be settled in their favour in some way more binding on the courts than the order of a single House. Under these circumstances the attitude of the officers was certain to have a powerful effect in the ranks. The soldiers, A soldiers' knowing that they had most to lose if the interests petition. o f fa Q army were neglected, drew up a petition of their own, differing in many respects from the petition of the officers, and couched in somewhat violent language. It is toned .. , down by the It was with some difficulty that the officers, as soon as they became aware of its existence, induced the men to tone it down, and to address it, not to Parliament, but to Fairfax. The soldiers' petition, in its final shape, was not unreason- able. Besides a request for indemnity and for the payment of arrears, it contained demands that those soldiers lds ' who had formerly volunteered to serve Parliament might be exempted from impressment in any future war ; 3 that the widows and orphans of soldiers killed in service 1 C.J. v. 126. 2 The Moderate Intelligencer, E. 386, 3. 3 This demand would therefore not apply to the pressed men who formed a large part of the infantry. VOL. III. Q 226 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLVII. might receive pensions; that such soldiers as had in any way suffered through their adherence to Parliament might be com- pensated for their losses; and that, finally, the whole army might, up to the time of its disbandment, be supplied with enough ready money to meet the expenses incurred in the quarters of the soldiers. 1 Moderate as these demands were, they provoked a storm of indignation at Westminster, where it was held that soldiers indignation were bound to unquestioning obedience. It is espe- atWestmin- c i a iiy noteworthy that even Cromwell looked on the petition 2 with dissatisfaction, as an attempt of Cromwell ... dissatisfied, soldiers to dictate to Parliament with arms in their hands. 3 Yet Cromwell, if he had had his way, would surely 1 The Declaration of the Army, E. 390, 26. Waller in his Vindica- tion, p. 51, says that the petition was 'pretended to come from the soldiers, but framed and minted by some of the principal officers.' The account given in the Declaration, that it was first drawn up by the soldiers and afterwards put into shape by the officers is probably true. a The officers' petition may be defended on the ground that Parlia- ment by asking them to volunteer for Ireland gave them a right to state the terms on which they were willing to do so. The soldiers' petition was a request for fair treatment whether they volunteered or not ; but its being addressed to Fairfax ought to have been accepted as bringing it within the bounds of military discipline, 3 On this point the evidence of John Lilburne is conclusive. "O dear Cromwell," he wrote to him, "the Lord open thine eyes and make thy heart sensible of those snares that are laid for thee in that vote of the House of Commons of 2,5oo/. per annum (C.J. v. 57). ... As poor Mordecai . . . said unto Queen Esther, so say I to thee . . . Thou great man, Cromwell ! Think not with thyself that thou shalt escape in the Parliament House more than all the rest of the Lamb's poor despised redeemed ones, and therefore, O Cromwell, if thou altogether boldest thy peace, or stoppest and underminest, as thou dost our and the army's petitions at this time, then shall enlargement and deliverance arise to us poor afflicted ones, that have hitherto doted too much on thee, O Crom- well, from another place than you silken Independents ; . . . and there- fore, if thou wilt pluck up thy resolutions, and go on bravely in the fear and name of God, and say with Esther, ' If I perish, I perish ' ; but if thou would not, know that here before God, I arraign thee at his dreadful bar, and there accuse thee of delusions and false words deceitfully, for betraying us, our wives and children, into the Haman-like tyrannical 1647 A HOSTILE PARLIAMENT. 227 have dealt with the offenders in a gentle spirit, and have avoided any word or act which might render them desperate of obtaining justice. The very contrary course was taken by March 2- t ^ ie P res kyterian majority. On the 27th Clotworthy, A report after making a report of the proceedings of the com- Irom the . - - . Commis- missioners, produced a copy of the soldiers petitio^ which the House abruptly ordered Fairfax to sup- press. The whole matter was then referred to a suppressed. comm ittee, but beyond a cold acknowledgment * that, notwithstanding any information this day given to the House, they have a good opinion of the army,' no effort was made to convince the soldiers that the Commons were in any way ready to listen to their complaints. 1 No doubt it was difficult to comply even with the justifiable wishes of the army. The arrears of the New Model amounted to no less than 33i,ooo/., 2 and it would not be easy to raise clutches of Holies and Stapleton, against whom we are sufficiently able to preserve ourselves if it were not for thee, O Cromwell, that art led by the nose by two unworthy covetous earth-worms, Vane and St. John I mean, young Sir Henry Vane and solicitor St. John, whose baseness I sufficiently anatomatised unto thee in thy bed above a year ago. . . . O Cromwell, I am informed this day by an officer out of the army and by another know- ing man yesterday that came a purpose to me out of the army, that you and your agents are likely to dash in pieces the hopes of our outward preservation their petition to the House, and will not suffer them to petition till they have laid down their arms whensoever they shall com- mand them, although I say no credit can be given to the House's oaths and engagements to make- good what they have promised. And if this be true, as I am too much afraid it is, then I say, Accursed be the day that ever the House of Commons bribed you with a vote of 2, 5oo/. per annum to betray and destroy us. Sir, I am jealous over you with the height of godly jealousy." Lilburne to Cromwell, March 25, Jonah's Cry out of the Whale's Belly ; E. 400, 5. The ordinary notion that Cromwell said one thing in the House and another thing in the army is thus disposed of, at least up to March 25. 1 C.J. v. 127. In his Vindication Waller says that Ireton denied the existence of the petition, and afterwards admitted it on the receipt of a letter from the major of Rossiter's regiment. We have not, however, Ireton's own words before us to enable us to judge how far this charge was true. It does not seem likely that Ireton should have told a gratuitous lie. 2 C.J. v. 126. Q 2 228 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLVII. so large a sum. Yet it can hardly have been financial diffi- culties alone which actuated the Presbyterians in their high- Amount of handed contempt of the army. Whatever their cfafmed. motives may have been, the course which they Suicidal adopted was absolutely suicidal. Their one chance Kesb f the ^ obtaining the quiet disbandment of the army lay terians. in a determination to satisfy the demands for arrears and indemnity, which were all that the greater number of the soldiers really cared for, in order that the religious enthusiasts might be left without support This chance they deliberately threw away, thus knitting together in a common bond against themselves all the various elements of which the army was composed. Worse was yet to come. If the Presbyterians had acted unwisely on the 27th, at least they had kept their temper. On March 29. the 2Qth two letters were read in the House which Si? in"he s fairl Y drove them off their balance. In these it was House - stated that not only was the petition still in circula- tion amongst the soldiers, but that a committee of officers had been formed to take it in charge as soon as it had been fully signed in the ranks, thus establishing a connection between the soldiers and the officers. It was further alleged that Colonel Pride had obtained eleven hundred signatures by threatening to cashier all who refused to sign ; and that every regiment at a distance from head- quarters was, with the single exception of Skippon's, on the march towards Saffron Walden. 1 Instead of directing Fairfax to inquire into the truth of these allegations, Officers sent tne House summoned the two Hammonds, Robert for - Lilburne, and Pride Ireton being already in his place at Westminster to attend at the bar. 2 Protests were even heard against this resolution as too lenient, and it was Attack on asked that the petitioners might be declared traitors, Cromwell. and that Cromwell might be arrested. The debate was prolonged into the night, and after many of the Inde- pendents had left the House under the impression that nothing would be done till the following morning, Holies, seizing the 1 Z./. ix. 115. * c.J. v. 128. 1647 THE ARMY CONDEMNED. 229 opportunity, scribbled a declaration on his knee, and at once obtained its acceptance by the House. 1 This Declaration, to which the Lords gave their adherence on the following day, was issued as the manifesto of the whole March 3 o. Parliament. "The two Houses of Parliament," it ratfo^of'fhe announced, " having received information of a dan- Houses, gerous petition with representations annexed, tending to put the army into a distemper and mutiny, to put conditions upon the Parliament, and obstruct the relief of Ireland, which had been contrived and promoted by some persons in the army, they do declare their high dislike of that petition, their approbation and esteem of their good service who first dis- covered it, and of all such officers and soldiers as have refused to join in it, and that for such as have been abused, and, by the persuasion of others, drawn to subscribe it, if they shall for the future manifest their dislike of what they have done, by forbearing to proceed any farther in it, it shall not be looked upon as any cause to take away the remembrance and sense the Houses have of the good service they have formerly done, .... and, on the other side, .... all those who shall con- tinue in their distempered condition, and go on advancing and promoting that petition, shall be looked upon and proceeded against as enemies of the State and disturbers of the public peace." 2 Not only did the Houses refrain from giving in this Decla- ration the slightest hint of a desire to meet the complaints of the petitioners, but in passing a resolution to borrow No effort to meet the 2oo,ooo/., the Commons expressly announced that of the pet?- the money was to be used ' for the service of England and Ireland.' Not a penny, it seemed, was to be spent in satisfying the arrears of the soldiers' pay. At the 1 Ludlow's story (Memoirs, ed. 1751, i. 164) evidently fits in here, though he jumbles it up with Cromwell's leaving the House, which really took place on June 3. Another observation ascribed by Ludlow to Cromwell : " These men will not leave till the army pull them out by the ears " was really spoken under very different circumstances, in the following August ; see p. 350. 2 Declaration, March 30, L.J. ix. 115. 230 PRESBYTERIANS AND THE ARMY. CH. XLVII. same time Skippon was to be summoned from the North to resume his duties as major-general in Fairfax's army, where, Skippon as was hoped, the influence of that sturdy and summoned, honest soldier would be put forth on the side of Parliament. The Presbyterian leaders were as lacking in imagination as Charles himself. They had no conception of the effect which their stinging words would produce on an already discontented soldiery. 231 CHAPTER XLVIII. THE AGITATORS. BEFORE the Declaration of the Houses had time to work mischief, a letter from Fairfax l informed the Commons that l647 . in one respect at least they had been deceived. The Aku from report of a general rendezvous at Saffron Walden, Fairfax. j t appeared, was without foundation. On April i, the day on which this letter was read, the incriminated officers appeared at Westminster fully prepared to justify themselves. A H1 1 Pride, who was the first to be called to the bar of the Pride dears House of Commons, declared that the special charge himself. , , . ,. _.. ,.,. brought against him of having obtained signatures to the petition by threats was also without foundation. After this The officers there was nothing to be done but to send the officers sent back. ^^ to fa e [ r posts, with directions to do everything in their power to suppress the obnoxious petition ; 2 but so hot Quarrel was the temper of the members that Ireton, having Holland justified the petition, was bitterly attacked by Holies, ireton. an( j a challenge passed between the two. Other members, however, intervened in time to prevent the duel from taking place, and ultimately the House itself ordered the disputants to lay aside their quarrel. 3 1 Fairfax to Lenthall, March 30, Rushw. vi. 445. - C.J. v. 132 ; Rushw. vi. 444. 3 C.J. v. 133. " Mr. Holies and Major (sic} Ireton going over the water to fight, were hindered by Sir William Waller and some others who observed Mr. Holies to deride Ireton's arguments in justification of the army's petition, which was the occasion of the quarrel." Letter of Intelligence, Clarendon MSS. 2,748. A later news-letter gives a story that Holies went out prepared to fight, but that Ireton came without a 232 THE AGITATORS. CH. XLVIII. At Westminster there was no conception of the gravity of the situation created by the refusal of the Commons to listen to the complaints of the soldiers. The House lightly turned to the consideration of the future government of Ireland, as if the troops now in England would Ireland. without difficulty be available for the summer cam- Lord 6 L?sie P a ^S n> ^ n ^46 Parliament had appointed Lord Lord Lieu- Lisle, the eldest son of the Earl of Leicester, Lord tenant. _ Lieutenant for a single year. 1 Ireland, however, offered few attractions, and it was not till the end of January i6 1647 that Lisle set forth. He had scarcely landed January, at Cork before he gave deep offence to Inchiquin, March. the Lord President of Munster, by taking out of with q inchi- S his hands the command of the troops in his own quin - province. 2 After this Parliament was not disposed to prolong Lisle's term of office. The retirement of Ormond 3 had by this time given hope of access to Dublin, and the Houses accordingly Michael appointed Colonel Michael Jones, who had dis- commandin tinguished himself at Rowton Heath and in the inchi^iiinln s ^ e 6 ^ Chester, 4 to take the command in Dublin, Munster. though he could not leave England till Ormond had actually surrendered the sword of office. At the same time, Lisle's recall restored Inchiquin's supremacy in Munster. Parliament was resolved that in future the civil and military authority should no longer be combined in one person, and, with the intention of entrusting the former to commissioners of its own, it appointed Skippon to command the army with the title of Field Marshal, and Massey to serve under him as his sword, pretending that it was against his conscience to take part in a duel, which, according to the writer, confirmed ' the general opinion that the Independents are deadly cowards,' Id. 2,495. On this, with some further embellishment, is built Clarendon's statement that Holies pulled Ireton's nose, Clarendon ', x. 104. 1 L.J. viii. 127, 261. 2 Inchiquin to Manchester, March 10 ; Lisle to Manchester, March 13, L.J. ix. 1 08 ; x. 94. 3 See p. 218. * See vol. ii. 344. 1 647 MEETING AT SAFFRON WALDEN. 233 lieutenant-general. 1 Both these officers had done good service Skippon and m tne war > but their military careers had not been sufficiently distinguished to rouse enthusiasm in the army, especially as they were both disposed to Ireland. support the policy of the Presbyterians. The soldiers, indeed, were in no complying mood. Though they do not seem as yet to have thought of resistance, they Temper of were working themselves up into a temper which the army. m i g ht ultimately lead to it. Why, they asked, when all other men were allowed to petition Parliament itself, were they forbidden to make their complaints known even to their own general ? 2 For such mutterings the Houses had no ear. In their anxiety to hasten the formation of the new army destined for Ireland, they despatched to Saffron Walden a new body of commissioners, amongst whom were War- wick, Waller, and Massey, to persuade as many as Saffron at possible to volunteer for the service. On April 15, Waiden. sQon a ^ er ^^ arr { va } at head-quarters, the commis- sioners urged Fairfax to threaten with penal consequences all who attempted to obstruct their proceedings. Fairfax briefly answered that, as the men were asked to volunteer, it would be unreasonable to prohibit freedom of discussion amongst them. Fairfax undoubtedly resented the harsh language of the recent Declaration, but he was not the man openly to resist the authority of Parliament, and he contented himself with refusing to co-operate with the commissioners whenever he thought it prudent to hold aloof. 3 In the afternoon the commissioners, after an address to a meeting of two hundred officers in the church, were at once An officers' m et with a demand for an answer to the four queries put to the former deputation. 4 On their refusal to comply with this request, the conversation turned on the names of the new commanders. There was a general impression that Skippon would refuse to serve in Ireland, and he had in fact 1 L.J. ix. 122 ; C.J. v. 131, 133. 2 Letters from Saffron Walden, Rushw. vi. 446. 3 Rushw. vi. 457. 4 See p. 223. 234 THE AGITATORS. CH. XLVIII. already sent a letter of excuse to the House of Lords. 1 Why, called out one of the officers, might they not go under their old generals ? This suggestion was at once caught up. Cries of " All ! All ! Fairfax and Cromwell and we all go ! " rang round the church. The commissioners, finding that no better answer was to be got, hereupon dissolved the meeting, inviting such as were inclined to volunteer to give in their names personally. With this invitation a few complied. The larger number appointed a committee to draw up a representation to Parlia- Arepre- merit asking for an answer to the four queries, and sentation to urging that if the old generals were named, ' it would Parliament . to be pre- conduce much to their encouragement and personal engagement.' This proposal was supported by the Apni 16. signatures of about a hundred infantry officers, and most of the cavalry officers added their signatures on the following day. The commissioners were not slow in taking steps to counteract this alarming demonstration. They extracted from Fairfax a letter requesting the officers to forward the The P com- 7 ' Irish service, though they failed to induce him to appeaUo 8 P u ^ his request in the form of a command. They Sdtry'to a ^ so appealed to the interests of the officers, offering Joiunteers certificates of arrears to those who volunteered, and by their dealing out promotions with a lavish hand. These interests. overtures were not without effect. A fair number of officers as well as of private soldiers expressed their readiness to go to Ireland. 2 Amongst these officers was Kempson, Robert Lilburne's lieutenant-colonel. In order to Kempson starts for save him from temptation he was directed to move off, with 520 of his men who had volunteered with him, in the direction of Chester. At this the soldiers who had refused to volunteer took umbrage. Every possible effort was made to induce Kemp- April 21. son's men to change their minds, and a considerable dJcufates number turned back. On the 2ist a certain ensign the petition. Nichols was caught circulating the soldiers' petition amongst those who held .firm, and urging them to return to 1 L.J. ix. 138. 2 Waller's Vindication^ 85. 1647 THE < GODLY PARTY: 235 their old quarters. On the same day Lilburne intervened in Liiburne person. Regarding himself as still the colonel of the Kemwon whole regiment, he ordered Kempson and his fol- into Suffolk, lowers to march into Suffolk. This at least the commissioners were able to hinder, but they were unable to recover the men who had been enticed away. Fairfax was Failure of not ea er to a ^ et ^ proceedings, and as he the com- was really suffering from ill-health, he chose this moment to set off for London for medical advice. Without him the commissioners were powerless. 1 In all this the Presbyterians saw the hand of the ' Godly party,' which had caused anxiety in Baxter's mind two years before, 2 when he had accused some of its members The Godly party in of being eager to use the army for the enforcement the army. _ r i - of a system of toleration, and others of regarding it as a spiritual aristocracy set apart by God Himself to lead an enslaved nation through the wilderness into the promised land John ^ r ig nteousness an d freedom. John Lilburne, who, Liibume's though still a prisoner in the Tower, was in constant influence. . . . . , , communication with the hotter spirits in the army, and was, if not the writer, at least the inspirer of an anonymous A ngw pamphlet entitled A new-found Stratagem, in which found the hopes of the 'Godly party' were clearly re- Stratagem. ' . . , J . vealed. It was a reply to an invitation circulated by the Essex clergy in which they called on their parishioners to join in petitioning Parliament for the disbandment of the army. Its main argument was that the resolution of the Com- mons to raise 6o,ooo/. a month for the armies in England and Ireland 3 showed that the Presbyterians had no real intention of lessening taxation, and that as an army was in any case to be kept up, it would be better to put up with the old one which, except when the Presbyterians stopped its supplies, had always paid its way, than to submit to a new one which would probably be less well behaved. "Whose poultry," asked the anonymous writer, " hath this 1 Waller's Vindication, 88; L.J. ix. 152; Narrative of the Proceed- ings at Saffron Walden, Clarke Papers, i. 5. 2 See vol. ii. 327. 3 See p. 221. 236 THE AGITATORS. CH. XLVIII. army destroyed ? Whose goods have they spoiled, or whose sheep or calves have they stolen ? " The way was thus cleared for the assertion that the army was needed to protect law and liberty, that so, in case ' their just demands be denied contrary to duty, oath, and covenant, the poor Commons may have a shelter and defence to secure them from oppression and violence ; and his excellency and every soldier under him by the duty of his place and virtue of the Protestation l is bound thereunto.' 2 The army, in short, was to be the organ of political pro- gress. No wonder that the Presbyterians, with their respect The Pres- f r Parliamentary procedure, were anxious to be rid dfstrusT 5 of it- what is strange is that they did not perceive the army. fa^ their unsympathetic handling of the soldiers' complaints was welding into one forces which they might easily have kept apart, and even throwing power into the hands of men whom they most cordially detested. If arrears had been paid, and indemnity granted, the ' Godly party ' would have been isolated. No doubt the country, impatient as it was of taxation, would not easily have been induced to supply the necessary funds ; but it is hard to believe that the City would not have found the money required, if it were once plainly understood that only in this way could the army be broken up. The process by which the soldiers who cared only for their pay were being thrown into the arms of the political and re- Aprii i 5 . ligious enthusiasts is well illustrated by the letter of gaSerin? a Suffolk Presbyterian. He tells us that at a meet- at Ipswich. m g j^d by icon's regiment, which was at that time Unanimity quartered at Ipswich, the men were of one mind in soldiers. crying out " All disband, or none ! " The writer of the letter had not far to seek for the cause of this unanimity. " Though the army," he assures his correspondent, " differ in religion, they all agree in their discontented speeches against the Parliament. The soldiers conclude that they who have been so badly paid in England shall be wholly neglected if they go to Ireland. As for the petition, they now speak it openly that 1 i.e. the Declaration or Petition of the soldiers. 2 A new-found Stratagem , E. 384, n. 1647 THE SOLDIERS AND THE KING. 237 they will send it up with two out of every troop." l If their deputies were imprisoned, the whole army would follow and Their starve out its enemies in London. It was thought towards tna t there were many discontented men in the City, Parliament, re ady to side with the soldiers. In Essex most people were dissatisfied because Parliament had not proclaimed an immediate reduction of taxation. The levy of 6o,ooo/. a month was in everyone's mouth. " The people here grow very discontented, and the very report of the continuance of taxes doth so gall the country as it makes them too apt to listen to the discontented speeches of the soldiers." The growing dis- trust of a Parliament unsound on the question of arrears was turning the thoughts of the soldiers in an unexpected direction. "The soldiers both in Norfolk and Suffolk sing one note, and to namely, that they have fought all this time to bring wards the the King to London, and to London they will bring the King some of the soldiers do not stick to call the Parliament men tyrants. Lilburne's books are quoted by them as statute law." 2 The suggestion of an understanding between the army and the King was nothing new. The Independents had been pressing for it ever since the surrender of Bristol. They may now have thought that Charles would by this time be sick of the treatment accorded to him by the Presbyterians, and be at last ready to come to terms with themselves. His seclusion at Charles at Holmby was not at all to his taste. He was indeed Hoimby. permitted to ride about the country with an escort, and to play at bowls in the gardens of the neighbouring gentry, April 8. DUt he was not allowed to communicate with anyone spoadeooe approaching him without the authority of the Houses. stopped. A gentleman attempting to convey to him a letter from the Queen had lately been arrested. 3 About the middle of April, however, fortune favoured Charles better. A certain Colonel Bamfield, a Royalist intriguer, contrived to corrupt his barber, and by this channel he for the first time heard of 1 This is the first hint of the choice of Agitators. 2 A letter from Suffolk, April 20, The Duke of Portland 's MSS. 3 L.J. ix. 131. overtures. 238 THE AGITATORS. CH. XLVIII. the scheme l which the Presbyterian lords had endeavoured to He hears transmit to him through the Queen more than two of the months before.' 2 Other news, no doubt, reached Charles in the TT , , , . . . . same way. He may have heard how his wife was rfwkjr instructing the Prince of Wales, now a tall youth in courtship. n j s seventeenth year with dark hair and a swarthy complexion, in the art of making love. The object of this courtship was to a day three years older than the Prince, the daughter of the Duke of Orleans, the Great Mademoiselle, as she was called, whose large dowry would make up for the disproportion in years. The lad, who was already the father of an illegitimate son, 3 showed himself an apt pupil enough, but the young lady merely flirted with her youthful admirer, having set her heart on marrying the emperor, and Charles's perfunctory love-making therefore did not prosper. 4 The Queen's political schemes proved as ineffectual as her matrimonial. On March i Mazarin, hoping to concentrate the The French armies for a final attack on the Spanish poetical Netherlands, had brought the Elector of Bavaria to schemes. s jg n a truce for a year. To Henrietta Maria it was all important that the continental wars of France should be brought to a close in order that when once the military drain on the resources of the country had been lightened, the French Government might be able to turn its attention to the restora- tion of the King of England. Accordingly, towards the middle of April, backed by a fervid clerical coterie, she urged the Queen Mother, Anne of Austria, to restore peace to Christen- dom. Ultimately, however, the influence of Mazarin proved too strong for her, but at the time when she wrote the letter 1 Bamfield's Apology, p. 20. Bamfield's evidence is to be received with caution, but so much as is given above may, I think, be accepted, as Bellievre writes about this time that he was now again able to send letters to the King, and Lady Anne Halkett, in her autobiography, speaks of Bamfield as actually receiving letters from Charles. * See p. 214. 3 His mother was a lady of good family, whose name is unknown. He was born after Charles's visit to Jersey in 1646, at the age of sixteen. Boero, Istoria della conversione di . . . Carlo II. 4 Mhnoires de Mademoiselle de Montpensier (ed. Cheruel), i. 126, 138. 1647 A MESSAGE FROM THE ARMY. 239 which Bamfield conveyed to Charles, the hope of success must have filled her mind. 1 Charles, therefore, was once more sanguine. He now knew not only that France seemed likely to interfere in his Charles favour, but also that influential persons at West- hopeful, minster had proposed in February to come to an understanding with him on terms not very different from those which he had himself offered to accept. While he was medi- tating on the favourable prospects thus opening before him, he April 21. received a message purporting to be an invitation purporting fr m * ne army to take refuge in its ranks, in order fromThe t ^ at ^ m ^g nt restor e him to his honours, his crown, army. and his dignity. " We will not," he replied, " en- gage our people in another war. Too much blood hath been shed already. The Lord be merciful to my distracted king- doms when He accounts with them for rebellion and blood ; but let the army know that we highly respect their expressions, and when we shall, by the blessing of God, be restored to our throne in peace, we shall auspiciously look upon their loyal affections towards us." ' 2 As soon as the substance of this invitation to the King was The published abroad, all knowledge of the matter was message stoutly repudiated by officers and soldiers at head- repudiated __ at head- quarters. If conjecture may be hazarded as to the authorship of the proposal, what little evidence there probable 5 is seems to point to Ireton. It was in his regiment at Ipswich that the notion of opposing the King to the Parliament was first heard of, 3 and this notion spread 1 Cheruel, Hist, de France pendant la minorite de Louis XIV. ii. 278. The Queen-Mother was being urged by Henrietta Maria to make peace about the end of Lent, Easter-day according to the new style following on April . 2 His Majesty's answer, Carte MSS. xx. fol. 630. The petition of the army got abroad and was mentioned in several of the newspapers. Ormond's informant for the Carte Papers are in reality, as far as this part of them is concerned, Ormond Papers was concerned only with the King's answer. That it is found in this collection is strong evidence of its genuineness. 3 The Moderate Intelligencer, E. 386, 2. See p. 236. 2/jo THE AGITATORS. CH. XLVIII. rapidly in other parts of the eastern counties. On May 5 it May 5- was reported at Saffron Walden that ' some of the fetching f ot about Cambridgeshire give out that they will go the King. f or Holmby and fetch the King, which gives much offence and scandal.' 1 Nor was Ireton himself an unlikely man to take the initia- tive in such a project. Though he was a good and steady Character officer, he had at no time shown signs of mili- O f ireton. tarv g en i USj an( j his failure to cope with Rupert at Naseby had raised a suspicion that his promotion to the high post of Commissary-General was due to the fact that he was Cromwell's son-in-law. Yet, apart from the domestic bond, Ireton was possessed of qualities sufficiently similar and sufficiently dissimilar to those of Cromwell to lay the basis of a lifelong friendship. There was in Ireton a deep, and at the same time tolerant, religious earnestness which early drew him into the ranks of the Independents. Yet, if his convictions were as strong as Cromwell's, they were far more definite. Spiritually he stood on a lower level. It is most unlikely that Ireton ever went through those mental struggles which pre- ceded Cromwell's conversion. He was not one to see visions, or to dream dreams, or in the midst of active work to pour forth outbursts of religious rapture. Neither had he that all- embracing hospitality of soul which made Cromwell so mar- vellously tender to fanatics and fools. His strong sense of the value of form made him the constitutional authority of his party. What he said was always clearly thought out and clearly expressed, but it gave no glimpses into the immensity of the spiritual horizon such as those which brighten so many of Cromwell's utterances. Hence, whilst Cromwell provoked enmities, Ireton provoked quarrels. Men distrusted Cromwell because he was to them incomprehensible. They disliked Ireton because they understood him only too well as the author of sayings and actions in direct opposition to those favoured by themselves. When such a man as Ireton shifts his ground, he shifts it without much warning. If Ireton made up his mind that he 1 Relation from Walden, May 5, Clarke Papers, i. 25. 1 647 IRETON AND CROMWELL. 241 could no longer trust Parliament as the central authority in the kingdom, he would be likely to leap rapidly to the con- ireton elusion that the King must be conciliated, just as, S round is ratner more than six months later, upon his discovery that the King could no longer be trusted, he leapt rapidly to the conclusion that terms could be kept with him no longer. To such a nature suspension of judgment is in- tolerable. There is, on the other hand, reason to believe that Cromwell was now passing through one of those long periods Cromwell's f hesitation which with him always preceded im- hesitadon. portant action. He had come to see that good results were not likely to be attained by devotion to Parliament ; but his belief in the necessity of accepting Parliamentary supremacy was too deep-rooted to be hastily shaken, because in his case loyalty to Parliament sprang from long habit and from the craving of an orderly mind for authority which, once shattered, would be difficult to replace. It was observed that He absents during the latter part of April both Cromwell and Jv^the Vane absented themselves except on rare occasions House. from the House ; l but there is no reason to suppose that either of them took any steps to bring its authority into contempt. No doubt their dislike of the course which Parlia- ment was taking was balanced by a rooted distrust of the King.* Whilst Cromwell and Vane doubted, that chartered libertine Henry Marten was giving full licence to his bitter 1 Letter of Intelligence, April 29, Clarendon MSS. 2,504. 2 Earlier in the month Bellievre had written of the feeling of the Parliamentary Independents about opening negotiations with the King : " Les Independans," he says, "sont desunis ; la plus part manquent de coeur, et ceux d'entre eux qui pourroyent entreprendre quelque chose de grand a 1'avantage du Roy de la Grande Bretagne en sont retenus par 1'opinion qu'ils ont que Ton ne se peut fier audit Roy, qui ne garde point de secret, et qui n'a point eu de Constance dans toutes les resolutions importantes qu'il sembloit avoir pris, jusques icy, pres des uns et des autres." Bellievre to Mazarin, April ~, R.O. Transcripts. In a despatch of A j* u ^ the ambassador speaks of Charles as being in communication with both parties. VOL. III. R 242 THE AGITATORS. CH. XLVIII. tongue. " I know not," he said, when complaints were made of the flocking of multitudes to Holmby House in saying about the hope of being cured by Charles's touch of the evil. lr King's evil, " but the Parliament's great seal might April 21. do it if there were an ordinance for it." The majority Ssti e New " f tne House of Commons were of a different mind. toesen ns ^ n A P ril 2 r it: was reso l v ed to send the Newcastle An Propositions once more to the King. " The man," audacious declared Marten audaciously, " to whom these pro- proposal. . . 1 11 T positions shall be sent ought rather to come to the bar himself than to be sent to any more." l Whatever might be Charles's answer and there could be little doubt that it would be an evasive one the Houses had A rfla more reason to concern themselves with the army More than with the King. Other soldiers besides those for Ireland who followed Kempson for a time had volunteered for Ireland, and had gone some part of the way towards a port of embarkation ; but they slipped back in batches to their old comrades, many declaring, truly or falsely, that their officers ' had first made them drunk, and had then extorted from them a promise to go to Ireland when they were in that condition.' Out of 21,480 men only 2,320 were available for the Irish service. 2 All efforts to in- Return ot the com- crease the number were unsuccessful, 3 and the missioners. . , , . , commissioners, baffled in their task, returned to TheL" ' Westminster, bringing with them Ensign Nichols as a prisoner. On April 27 they made their report to the House of Commons. Not to be behindhand, the malcontent officers despatched seven of their number to lay before the House of Commons a The officers' vindication of their own conduct in supporting the vindication. so idi ers > petition. Though this vindication was signed by 151 commissioned officers, 4 the Commons did not even allow it to be read in the House. After listening to the 1 Letter of Intelligence, April 26, Clarendon MSS. 2,502. 2 Letter from Saffron Walden, April 25, Clarke Papers, i. 16. 3 Idem i. 17. 4 The Petition and Vindication of the Officers, E. 385, 19. 1 647 AGITATORS CHOSEN. 243 report of the commissioners, they committed Nichols J to strong prison, and sent for Robert Lilburne and three measures. other Q ffi cers to g[ VQ an account Q f tne ir COllduCt in drawing off soldiers from the Irish service. In the meanwhile the Lords, having tardily come to the conclusion that some part of the soldiers' arrears ought to be six weeks' P a ^ on ^isbandment, voted that six weeks' pay arrears should be the amount offered. The Commons, though formally protesting against the breach of their privileges committed by the Lords in meddling with a grant of money, confirmed the vote. 2 It remained to be seen whether so inadequate a concession would satisfy the army. There are no signs that any Presbyterian member of either April 29. House thought it insufficient. Two days later the sl e ippon's confidence in the future which still prevailed in readiness to Parliament was increased by the news that Skippon Ireland. had been prevailed on, though most unwillingly, to accept the command in Ireland. 3 The Presbyterians were destined to a rude awakening. Early in April there had been a talk in Ireton's regiment of sending the soldiers' petition to Westminster in charge of two deputies from each troop. 4 The contempt with which the soldiers' grievances were treated now led to the adoption of this plan in a slightly different form. Eight of the ten cavalry regiments came to an understanding with one another, and each chose two representatives, to whom was at first given the name of Commissioners, a name which was soon afterwards changed into that of Agitators, or Agents of the Army. 5 1 See p. 234. 2 L.J. ix. 152; C.f. v. 155. 3 L.J. ix. 158. 4 See p. 237. 5 " Careful investigation," writes Dr. Murray in The New English Dictionary , s. v. Agitators, "satisfies me that Agitator was the actual title, and Adjutator only a bad spelling of soldiers familiar with Adjutants and the Adjutors of 1642. Adjutator\va& naturally seemed more plausible to recent writers unfamiliar with this old sense of 'to agitate,' and the functions of the Agitators of 1647." The old sense referred to is ' To do the actual work of (the affairs of) another, to manage, or act as agent.' The chronology of the word is as follows : At the first appearance of these representatives of the soldiers they call themselves, in signing a R 2 244 THE AGITATORS. CH. XLVIII. Instead of carrying the condemned petition to Westminster, ;i the sixteen Agitators in the name of the regiments Utters u. drew up identical letters addressed to the three generals, Fairfax, Cromwell, and Skippon. 1 The composers of these letters for the first time answered the attack of their assailants by a counter-attack. After com- plaining of the delay in granting an indemnity, though their fellow-soldiers suffered ' at every assize for acts merely relating to the war,' they asserted that the proposal to send them to Ireland was ' nothing else than a design to ruin and break this army in pieces ; . . . otherwise, why are not those who have been made instruments in our country's deliverance again thought worthy to be employed.' It was therefore 'but a mere cloak for some who have lately tasted of sovereignty, and being lifted beyond their ordinary sphere of servants, seek to become masters and degenerate into tyrants.' 2 This letter, after being read before the regiments and accepted by them, was entrusted to three Agitators, Sexby, Allen, and Shephard, to be carried to the generals in London. letter dated April 28, Commissioners ; in the Declaration of the Army (E. 390, 26), presented to the Parliamentary Commissioners on or about May 15, it is stated that they have been chosen ' to agitate for those ends in behalf of them all,' and they are themselves styled 'Agents' of those who chose them. The noun appears in a petition to Fairfax of May 29, which is subscribed by ' your Excellency's and the Kingdom's innocent and faithful servants . . . being Agitators on behalf of the several regi- ments.' In the next page we have ' Adjutators,' which is thus shown to be a mere variation of spelling, though this form appears on the title-page. Two Letters, E. 391, 2. Adjutator, in short, occurs as soon as Agitator, but it has no meaning, whilst Agitator has, as will appear by the follow- ing quotation : "When I wrote last to you, I had been with Sir John Berkeley, one of his Majesty's Agitators, for that is now the word." N. Hobart to J. Hobart, Oct. 15, Gary's Mem. of the Civil War, i. 354. The verb also occurs in the sense of 'to act.' "It is our unhappiness that we are so far distant . . . from the eight regiments ... by reason whereof timely notice cannot be given us to agitate according to our real intentions, which are to add ourselves to them entirely as one man." Letter from Sir R. Pye's regiment, May 13, Clarke Papers, i. 44. 1 The Agitators' Letter, April 28, L.J. ix. 164. 2 Ibid. 1647 AN INDIGNANT HOUSE. 245 On April 30 the vindication of the officers, which had been brought into the House of Commons on the 2yth, 1 was at last April 3 o. allowed to be read. Before any step was taken in vindication 5 ' connection with it, the letters to the three generals and the were produced, and were also read. 2 As might have Agitators letter in the been expected, the House was beyond measure in- dignant at the latter. The Presbyterian majority of theTreT would indeed have changed its nature if they had bytenans. condescended to ask whether their own refusal of bare justice had not had something to do with the readiness with which whole regiments applauded a criticism on the conduct of their employers. They could see nothing but sheer fanaticism at the bottom of the attack made on them. The whole army it seemed to use the words of a report which had just been made from Saffron Walden was ' one Lilburne throughout, and more likely to give than to receive laws.' 8 For the present all that could be done was to call to the bar the Agitators who had brought the letters. The three men had convenient memories. They were quite Agitators unable to recall the circumstances under which they had been signed. They were then asked to explain the paragraph relating to the members who had tasted sove- reignty. The letters, they curtly replied, were the work of the regiments, and it was for the regiments to explain their meaning. 4 The House, in short, had to deal, not with the three men The House before it, but with eight regiments perhaps with the whole army and this knowledge had a sobering fr r e to n nTand effect. Instead of meting out punishment to offen- Skipponto ders. the Commons directed its military members, go to the army. Skippon, Cromwell, Ireton, and Fleetwood, to go down to their charges in the army, and to employ their 1 See p. 242. 2 L.J. ix. 163 ; C.J. v. 158 ; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31, 116, fol. 3o8b. 8 Letter of Intelligence, April 26, Clarendon MSS. 2,502. 4 Examination of the Agitators, Clarke Papers, i. App. B. 246 THE AGITATORS. CH. XLVIII. endeavours to quiet all distempers. They were to inform the soldiers that an Ordinance for their indemnity would be brought in at once ; that a considerable portion of their arrears would be paid immediately ; and that for the remainder there should be signed debentures, payable in cash as soon as the necessities of the State would allow. 1 It was a humiliating capitulation, but humiliating as it was, there was no other course by which disaster could be avoided. It was perhaps still possible, if Cromwell's influence Hating could be secured on the side of Parliamentary authority, to stave off the religious and political demands of the majority in the army by redressing the material grievances of the whole force. 2 At all events it cannot be seriously doubted that Cromwell left Westminster with the full purpose of carrying out his instructions honestly, Cromwell's an d that he was still under the influence of those intentions. f ee ij n g s which had hitherto led him to distrust the intervention of soldiers in politics. 3 1 C.J. v. 158. 2 We have an example in English history of a government taking successfully the course here suggested. When in 1797 the sailors mutinied at Spithead because their petition for the removal of material grievances had been rejected, Pitt met them by conceding all the reasonable wishes of the mutineers, and was thus strengthened to refuse the slightest con- cessions to the political demands of the sailors in the fleet at the Nore, 8 The strongest evidence in such a case is the silence of a hostile witness thoroughly acquainted with the facts. Such a witness is Major Huntington, an officer of Cromwell's own regiment, in confidential com- munication with him, though he afterwards turned against him. In August 1648, when Huntington tried to damage Cromwell as much as possible, he drew up a narrative in which he vehemently assailed his past conduct. In dealing with this employment, however, all that Huntington could say against Cromwell was that he had declared, after reaching the army, that he and his fellow-commissioners had come in the double capacity of commissioners and soldiers, and that he acknowledged that there had ' lately been much cruelty and injustice in the Parliament.' Of any secret encouragement to the soldiers to make conditions with Parlia- ment in favour of any political or religious object Huntington has not a word to say. He states, indeed, that Ireton drew up the Declaration of the Army, which will be shortly mentioned (p. 247), and that he had told i647 A DECLARATION OF THE ARMY. 247 On May 7 a meeting of officers was held once more in Saffron Walden church, this time in the presence of the new military commissioners, but it soon appeared that it A meeting would be useless to consult officers alone on ques- tions which touched the rank and file so nearly. The officers were therefore directed to collect the views of the private soldiers. By this time the whole army was election of thoroughly organised. After the example which had been set by the cavalry, each troop or company elected representatives. As, however, a body composed of all these representatives would be too numerous for efficient action, it was now arranged that the combined representatives of each regiment should elect two or more to whom alone the name of Agitators l was now given. These Agitators, when collected, could speak in the name of the whole army, and were capable of impressing, in turn, their own views upon their military constituency. In troublous times the most decided and energetic come to the front ; and, little as it was intended at the time, nothing was more calculated than the existence of this elected body of Agitators to give to the army that distinc- tive political and religious character which it ultimately bore. On May 1 5, after long conferences with the Agitators, the May 15. officers had a second interview with the commis- me S eTinJ d f sioners, and on the following day they gave in a officers. Declaration of the Army^ which bore the signatures of 223 commissioned officers. The Declaration opened with the Agitators ' that it was then lawful and fit to deny disbanding till we had received equal and full satisfaction for our past service.' Even this, however, relates only to the material grievances which the commissioners were sent to allay, and Huntington, with all his anxiety to make out a case against Cromwell, does not attribute any similar language to him. Sundry reasons inducing Major Huntington to lay down his Commission, E. 458, 3- 1 In The Declaration of the Army (E. 390, 26) we are told that the soldiers chose 'a certain number of every regiment or troop or company.' This is vague, but there is a clearer statement in A Solemn Engagement of the Army, p. 6 (E. 392, 9) : "The soldiers . . . were forced ... to choose out of the several troops and companies, several men, and those out of their whole numbers to choose two or more for each regiment." 248 THE AGITATORS. CH. XLVIII. a narrative of the late proceedings of the soldiers, with whom the officers avowed themselves to be fully in accord. The May 16. men, they said, had resolved to send to Parliament tnat Petition which had been so summarily con- demned, 1 but had been dissuaded by the officers from doing so, as well as from listening to anyone attempting to induce them to take part in politics. 2 The practical proposal made by the officers was that the vote for paying ' a consider- able part ' of the arrears should be made more definite. It was generally understood, as the officers declared, to mean no more than the six weeks' pay already offered ; 3 an offer which was ' generally looked upon as very inconsiderable,' most of the horse and many of the foot having large arrears due to them for service in former armies, in addition to arrears due to them for service in the New Model. This very reasonable demand was followed by complaints of the imprisonment of Ensign Nichols by the former commis- sioners without Fairfax's concurrence ; of the toleration by Parliament of calumnies uttered against the soldiers in the press and in the pulpit ; and also of the thanks which had been given by the Houses to petitioners who had reviled the army. Finally the Declaration asked that Parliament should acknow- ledge that the soldiers had a right to petition their general on military matters ; should take into consideration their original petition, and should allow them to publish a sober vindication of their own conduct. 4 With the spirit of this Declaration Cromwell appears to have been entirely satisfied. He and his fellow-commissioners were able to announce that the Indemnity Ordinance had already passed the Commons, and that the six weeks of arrears 1 See pp. 225, 227. 2 "We perceive there have not wanted some^ in all quarters, upon their dissatisfaction in those things," i.e. their pay, &c., "ready to engage them in an implication of things of another nature, which, though not evil in themselves, yet did not concern them properly as soldiers." The authors of the Declaration, perhaps, had their eye on such papers as A Second Apology, E. 385, 18. 3 By the vote of April 27 ; see p. 243. 4 Declaration of the Army, E. 390, 26. 1647 CROMWELL AND THE ARMY. 249 were to be extended to eight 1 " Truly, gentlemen," said Cromwell to the officers, " it will be very fit for you to have a Ma i very S reat care m tne making the best use and im- eii's provement that you can both of the votes and of this that hath been last told you, and of the interest which all of you or any of you may have in your several respective regiments namely, to work in them a good opinion of that authority that is over both us and them. If that authority falls to nothing, nothing can follow but confusion." 2 So far Cromwell had prevailed by his strong sympathy with the soldiers, and his equally strong desire to hinder them from Lan e f b rm g m g tne kingdom into anarchy through their Cromwell efforts to obtain justice for themselves. Ireton, in- and Ireton. -\-\-\-\- 111 IT i n deed, had m private told the soldiers that till justice had been obtained they ought not to disband, but there is no reason to believe that Cromwell used any words of the kind. 3 The work of the commissioners was now accomplished. In a joint letter to the Speaker they contented themselves with The Com painting the situation in general terms. " We must missioners acknowledge," they wrote, "we found the army under give account . of their a deep sense of some sufferings, and the common soldiers much unsettled." They therefore suggested that it would be well for Parliament to recall them in order that they might give a verbal report of all that they had learnt. 4 win the T nere could be little doubt that Cromwell would Presby- plead energetically for justice to the soldiers ; but all accept the that he could say would be of little avail unless the Declaration? -r i ITT j Presbyterians at Westminster were prepared to meet the Declaration in a spirit of conciliation. 1 The Commissioners to Lenthall, May 17, Gary's Memorials of the Civil War, i. 214. 2 Clarke Papers, i. 72. 3 See p. 246, note 3. 4 The Commissioners to Lenthall, May 17, Gary's Mem. of the Civil War, i. 214. 250 CHAPTER XLIX. THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. THE action of the commissioners had at least so far cleared the situation that it could no longer be. doubted that Parliament l647 . must either redress the material grievances of the The^sTtua- arm y or be prepared to fight it ; and for some time tion cleared, there had been signs that the Presbyterians were ready to venture on the latter and more desperate course. In March the City had asked that a new Militia Committee of its A new own cnoosm g might be substituted for the existing Militia Committee which had been named by Parliament, Committee . . demanded and which contained many Independents. 1 Though an Ordinance authorising the City to choose a new Committee was passed by the Lords, it had received no sup- port from the Commons till the dispute with the army opened the eyes of the Presbyterian leaders to the advantage of having the military force of the City entirely at the disposal of their A riii6 own P art ) T - The Lords' Ordinance was therefore at Ordinance last taken in hand, and on April 16 it passed both city power Houses. 2 The Common Council, taking advantage to appoint ,. , . . , . , ' a Militia ot the permission thus obtained, at once nominated tee< a new committee, consisting exclusively of Presby- terians. On May 4, in Cromwell's absence, another Ordinance was passed giving Parliamentary authority to the nominees of the City. 3 No immediate objection was raised on any side to intrust- The Militia m g the municipal authority with the control of the indlpen f City trained bands, but the manner in which the new dents. committee exercised its powers soon gave offence. Every officer tainted with Independency was excluded from 1 L.J. ix. 82. * Idem, ix. 143. 3 Idem, ix. 143. 1647 STATE OF SCOTLAND. 251 the service. 1 It looked as if the Presbyterians were to have an army of their own. The London militia, which mentary numbered i8,ooo men, 2 was not to be despised as a military force, even if its quality was not equal to that of the tried warriors who had served under Fairfax and Cromwell. This remodelling of the City force was certain to rouse an angry spirit in the army, and the difficulty of keeping this anger in-feeiing in within bounds would be much increased if it once the army. came to be known that the Presbyterians were seek- ing for military support in Scotland as well as in the City. In The Scottish Scotland, too, there was a new-model army formed David Under out f tne l ar er force which had returned from Leslie. England in February, and this army, consisting of 5,000 foot and 1,200 horse, had been placed under David Leslie, who was a warm partisan of Argyle and the extreme , Presbyterians. In the course of the spring David strongholds Leslie had captured all Huntly's strongholds, 3 and as soon as he had accomplished the not very difficult task of crushing Alaster Macdonald in the West, he and the force which he commanded would be available for a campaign in England. For the present there was room for diplomacy, and Argyle, Scottish reflecting the sentiments of every Scottish politi- the l EngUs f h cian, watched with jealousy the growth of a strong army. military power in England. 4 In April, with his ap- proval, the Committee of Estates despatched to London four 1 Perfect Occurrences^ E. 390, 7. - List of the London Trained Bands, communicated by the Hon. H. A. Dillon, Archceologia, vol. Hi. 3 Patrick Gordon, 199. 4 Much information on the state of Scottish parties at this time is to be derived from the despatches of Montreuil, of which there are copies amongst the Carte MSS. (vol. Ixxxiii.). Montreuil was, after the King's removal from Newcastle, transferred to Edinburgh, and remained there till the Scottish invasion of England in 1648. His opinion of Scottish statesmen must, however, be received with caution, as he is too prone to ascribe to them far-reaching intrigues which probably originated in his own lively imagination. Commis- sioners to 252 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. commissioners, of whom Lauderdale was the ablest. Though these commissioners were ostensibly to support the English April. Parliament in urging Charles to accept the Proposi- tions of Newcastle, Lauderdale brought with him secret England. instructions to be content if the King would accept daiefsecret tne ^ our P r P s itions forwarded to him through instructions. Bcllievre and the Queen at the end of January. 1 Heisaccom- Lauderdale was accompanied by the Earl of Dun- rSern^ fermline, who had been won over by Charles at me> Newcastle, and had been made a gentleman of the bedchamber in order to secure for him the right of approaching the King at any moment. 2 Dunfermline was now selected to go with the commissioners, in order that by availing himself May 13. of this right he might open a communication be- ioved s togo tween Charles and the Scots. On May 13 the to the King. English Parliament gave him a somewhat reluctant permission to visit the King at Holmby. 3 Charles, who had not been left in ignorance of this move- ment in his favour, had already on May 1 2 sent to the Houses Ma I2 a letter which was, to all appearance, a reply to the Charles re- Newcastle Propositions, though in reality based on plies to the ' Proposi- the lines of the scheme suggested in January. 4 This scheme Charles accepted with some modifications. Presbyterianism was to be granted for three years, during which there were to be consultations with the Westminster Assembly, to which wer.e to be added twenty divines of the King's choosing, with the object of arranging a permanent settlement, and the militia was to be granted for ten. Documents to which the Parliamentary Great Seal had been affixed were to be held valid, and satisfaction was to be given about Ireland. Finally, Charles asked to be allowed to come to Westminster as a sovereign in order that the Bills needed to give legal force to these conditions might receive the Royal assent. 5 1 See p. 214. 2 The date of his appointment was Jan. 13. Dunfermline Papers in the possession of Dr. Milne of Fyvie. 3 C.J. v. 170. 4 Bellievre to Mazarin, May if, R.O. Transcripts. 5 The King to the Speaker of the House of Lords, May 12, L.J. ix. 193. The King to Bamfield, May 16, Bamfield's Apology, 24. 1647 A PRESBYTERIAN INTRIGUE. 253 On May 18 the King's reply was read at Westminster, and was at once accepted not only by the English Presbyterians but even by the Scottish commissioners as a fitting May 18. . . - J , . The King's basis of accommodation, though more clear-sighted offer read. o b servers might well have doubted whether Charles's acceptance of a three years' Presbyterianism was anvtmn g more than a prelude to the restoration of Episcopacy. The real importance of the agreement favour of the was that it laid the foundations of an alliance which gave birth to a second Civil War in which Scots and Presbyterians allied themselves with English Cavaliers. The immediate difficulty of the new coalition lay in the necessity of concealing its plans till the army had been dis- banded. How unlikely it was that the army would Difficulty of ... 111 i f concealing suffer itself to be broken up before its grievances were redressed ought to have been made clear to the Houses by the letter of their own commissioners, which, written on the 1 7th, 1 reached Westminster on the iSth, the day on May 19. which the King's reply was read. The Commons Se C Agita 0f at once voted tnat Fairfax should return to head- tors, quarters if his health permitted, that one or two of their commissioners should return to give an account of their employment, and that a committee should be appointed to consider the time and manner of the disbandment ' of all such forces as shall not go for Ireland.' 2 At these votes the Agitators took alarm. On the i9th, only three days after the presentation of the conciliatory Declaration of the Army to the commissioners, 3 they issued a circular letter to the regiments based partly on a rumour that the Houses intended to offer to the privates the whole of their arrears and to take vengeance on the officers. 4 " This is now," wrote the Agitators, " the thing in hand to divide between you and them, and that is either propounding or giving you your arrears and so take you from your officers, thereby to destroy them, and then to work about their designs with you also, which will make your money to be but little useful to you. 1 See p. 249. 2 C.J. v. 176. s See p. 247. 4 Letter to the Agitators, May 18, Clarke Papers, i. 85. 254 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. As soon as you have it, and you disbanded, you may be pressed away for Ireland or hanged in England for prosecuting the petition, or refusing to go for Ireland, which we question not but many of us shall be found guilty of, some already saying if you be but disbanded, if you will not go they will draw you along like dogs. Fellow-soldiers, the sum of all is, if you do but stand and not accept of anything nor do anything without the consent of the whole army, you will do good to yourselves, your officers, and the whole kingdom." l All the ground which had been won by Cromwell was now lost. The Agitators were deeply suspicious of the Houses, Mutual sus- and the Houses were equally suspicious of the Agitators. On the 2oth, instead of attempting to The* Lords srnootn awa y difficulties, the Lords published to the Ki? e toOat wor ^ ^ir Sd understanding with the King, by lands. voting that he should be invited to Oatlands, in close proximity to London. 2 Though the Commons were too prudent to support the Lords in their indiscretion, enough had The army been done to lay bare the drift of the Presbyterian dents P exas- policy. The Independents in the army were stirred perated. t o exasperation, and opinions were freely expressed that the politicians who were prepared to sacrifice the liberties of the country should be called to account for their misdeeds. 3 The Houses were the more anxious to be rid of an army which they believed to be pervaded with fanaticism, as they had been vehemently taken to task by a body of ALiibumian political fanatics, who may fairly be regarded as the movement in ,. . , / T i T -it. T /r i i -i London. disciples of John Lilburne. In March a petition had A Liibumian been drawn up by these men for presentation to the petmon. House of Commons, which they addressed as the 'supreme authority of the nation,' and on the i5th a copy surreptitiously obtained whilst it was in course of signature was brought to the notice of the House. The petition itself was the work of men who committed the 1 Letter from the Agitators, May 19, Clarke Papers, i. 87. 2 L.J. ix. 199. 3 Joachimi to the States General, May f^, Add. MSS. 17, 677 S, fol. 454- 1647 ^ LILBURNIAN PETITION. 255 common mistake of persons of strong opinions, in thinking that it is merely necessary to propose reforms to obtain their general Grievances acceptance. They asked the Commons to secure alleged in it. themselves against ' a negative voice in any person or persons whomsoever,' in other words in the King or the House of Lords ; to take off all sentences, fines, and imprisonments imposed on Commoners ... without due course of law ; l to put an end to the administration of interrogatories by which accused persons might be forced to inculpate themselves ; to ' repeal all statutes, oaths and covenants ' by which ' religious, peaceable, well-affected people' were molested 'for noncon- formity, or different opinion, or practice in religion ; ' to take care ' that no one was punished for preaching or publishing his opinion in religion in a peaceable way;' to dissolve mono- polising trading companies ; to settle an easy way for deciding controversies by 'reducing all laws to the nearest agreement with Christianity,' and by ordering pleadings to be conducted in English so as to be generally intelligible ; to prescribe the duties and limit the fees of magistrates ; to enact that no life should be taken without the testimony of two credible wit- nesses; to see that prisoners had 'a speedy trial,' and be ' neither starved nor their families ruined by long and lingering imprisonment, and that imprisonment' might 'be used only for safe custody until time of trial, and not as a punishment for offences ; ' to abolish tithes and leave all ministers to be ' paid only by those who voluntarily choose them and contract with them for their labours ; ' to set free insolvent debtors, and, on the other hand, to hinder debtors who had wherewithal to pay their debts from sheltering themselves in prison against their creditors ; to regulate the conduct of the keepers of prisons ; to provide some means of keeping the poor from beggary and vice ; and to restrain impious persons from reproaching the well-affected with the ignominious titles of roundheads, factious, seditious, and the like; and, finally, to exclude no one 'of approved fidelity from bearing office of trust in the common- wealth for nonconformity.' 2 1 This was directed against the imprisonment of Lilburne by the House of Lords ; see p. 125. - Gold Tried in the Fire, p. I, E. 392, 19. 256 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. The programme was one for three centuries rather than for a single Parliament. It menaced the habits and interests of thousands who belonged to the influential classes. Vastness of . the pro- The lawyers, the city traders, and the clergy were all affected by it, and all these found support in the Parliamentary majority, which was necessarily hostile to sweep- ing reforms. There was, moreover, no democratic wave behind Danger of its the petition, and but for the danger of its finding a multerylip- support in the hotter spirits in the army, the House p rt - of Commons might safely have treated it with con- tempt. The danger of conjunction between the political fanatics ot the City and the religious fanatics of the army was of sufficient weight with the Commons to induce them to refer the petition to a committee, the usual function of The petition f ' referred to a which was to collect evidence against unlicensed preachers. Neither Colonel Leigh, the chairman of this committee, nor the other members of it bore any good- will to the petitioners. 1 A certain Lambe being summoned to give evidence was attended by a crowd of well-wishers. Amongst these was Nicholas Tew, who, finding that the peti- tion was being treated as a libel, called on those around him to sign a certificate declaring the petition to be seriously intended for presentation to Parliament. " If we cannot," said Tew, "be allowed to petition, we must take some Tew and Tu- lidah impri- other course. I he committee at once sent him to prison, and a violent altercation between the com- mittee and the petitioners was the result. In the end the committee ordered the room to be cleared. Finding its orders March ic disobeyed, one of its members, Sir Philip Stapleton, Approval of seized Major Tulidah by the throat and dragged him to the door. On March 19 the House approved of the commital of Tew, and sent Tulidah to keep him company in prison.' 2 On the 2oth the petitioners laid before the House of Commons their original petition together with the certificate 1 C.J. v. 112. 18 C.J. v. 118 ; Gold Tried in the Fire y pp. 6-io, E. 392, 19. 1 647 TEW AND TULIDAH. 257 which had been proposed by Tew, and a second petition March 20 as ^ n g tnat tne "8^ ^ petitioning Parliament might A second be recognised as essential to freedom. No notice was taken of this request, but on the 26th Tulidah ' was liberated on bail. The offence of Tew was berated. k^ ^ Q k e g reaterj an( j he was su ff ere( j to re main in prison. 1 For some weeks the names of Tew and Tulidah are of constant occurrence in the various petitions and declarations The soldiers of the soldiers, who appear to have taken alarm at themSves their treatment, as if it were a warning of the fate m the affair, jj^eiy t o befall themselves if they were once dis- A third 7 ' banded. In the middle of May the petitioners drew petition. up a third petition, which, perhaps, by way of bravado, they placed in the hands of Holies, their chief opponent, for presentation to the House. This time they assumed a more peremptory tone, demanding the liberation of Tew, whilst they asked for inquiry into the conduct of the committee and that restrictions might be placed on the power of committal vested in committees. 2 The House was in no mood to put up with May 20. interference which it regarded as unauthorised, and iSuions to on May 20, the day on which the Lords invited the be burnt. King to Oatlands, it ordered, without a division, that this third petition should be burnt by the hangman, and, by a majority of 94 to 86, that the original petition should also be burnt, on the ground that, being addressed to the House of Commons as the supreme authority of the nation, it called in question the existing constitution. 3 It was on the following day, May 21, that Cromwell stood up in the House to read the joint report of the commissioners May 21. to the army. That report justified the Declaration of the^m- f ^e Army 4 as being more moderate than anything mLsioners. w hich would have emanated directly from the private soldiers. The interference of the officers in drawing it up had 1 Gold Tried in the Fire, p. 6, E. 392, 19 ; C.J. v. 119, 125. - Gold Tried in the Fire, p. 9, E. 392, 19. 3 C.J. v. 179. 4 See p. 247. It is styled a Summary in the Report. VOL. III. S 258 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. ' hitherto proved for the best,' and might ' through the good- ness of God, with the wisdom of the Parliament,' be turned to a good issue. 1 Speaking in his own name, Cromwell Cromwell . again de- declared that the army would 'without doubt dis- clares the 111111 i i /- army will band, but would not by any means hear of going to Ireland. 'The greatest difficulty would be to satisfy the demands of some whom he had persuaded as much as he could possibly : but a great part of the army ' would ' remit themselves entirely to be ordered by Parliament.' 2 Cromwell's announcement, so different from what was ex- pected at Westminster, could not fail to produce at least a Effect of temporary effect. The House directed that * a real noun a ce"- an( ^ visible security ' should be given to the soldiers ment. f or all arrears left unpaid. An Ordinance was passed granting indemnity to soldiers for things done in the war, whilst others in favour of apprentices who .had joined the ranks before working out their time, and for securing all who had voluntarily enlisted from being ' pressed to serve beyond Ordinances the seas' passed rapidly through the Commons, and to V the rable were as rapidly accepted by the Lords. Moreover, soldiers. ^ e p a y to be given on disbandment in ready-money was according to promise raised from six weeks to eight. 3 Those who negotiated with Charles always laid themselves open to unpleasant surprises, and whilst the Commons were listening to Cromwell, the Lords were giving their attention to an intercepted letter from Ashburnham to the King. cepted"" In this letter Ashburnham exhorted his master to hold out. Peace, he asserted, would soon be signed between the Spaniards and the Dutch, and after that Prince William would start for England to relieve his father-in-law at the head of a foreign force, hoping to find himself supported 1 Report of the commissioners, May 20, C/arke Papers, i. 94-99. 2 Letter of Intelligence, May 24, Clarendon MSS. 2,520. It is well to have the date at which these words were spoken. Cromwell's enemies quoted them without a date, and held them to be an audacious falsehood. The question of Cromwell's change of opinion about the disbandment will be discussed later. 3 C.J. v. 181 ; L.J. ix. 201. See p. 248. 1647 A NEGOTIATION WITH THE SCOTS. 259 by another army from Ireland. 1 Charles, indeed, had not seen this letter, but it showed what kind of news his agents abroad believed him to be likely to welcome. The minds of the Presbyterian leaders, however, were too fully occupied with their distrust of the army either to draw ThePres- back from their understanding with Charles, or to SSflijfbe carrv out tne straightforward policy in dealing with warned. t ne army to which they had betaken themselves under the influence of Cromwell's pleadings. It is possible indeed that their votes in favour of the soldiers were a mere M-i ^ expedient to gain time. At all events, on the 23rd, Their ne- they opened a discussion with Bellievre and Lauder- SSSTtfae dale in which a scheme for bringing a Scottish army into England was fully debated. They had little faith in Cromwell's assurances that the army, if fairly treated, would readily disband, and believing that the soldiers intended to get possession of the King's person, they resolved to be beforehand with them, and talked of bringing Charles to Northampton or Windsor. 2 The majority, however, appears The King ultimately to have declared in favour of removing Surfed to mm to Scotland. Colonel Graves, who commanded Scotland. t h e g uar( i a t Holmby, was a Presbyterian, and could probably be depended on to carry out any directions that might be sent to him to this effect. 3 1 L.J. ix. 203. 2 Joachimi to the States General, JJ^, Add. MSS. 17, 667, S., fol. 456. 3 " I have gathered many scraps and looked as far into the clouds as I can, and the result I make to myself is this (but I have only several collec- tions for my grounds and those not very authentic), that the Scots and a Presbyterian party here of some members, not without the counsel of the Queen or some French party, had a design of carrying the King into Scot- land, and to set him in the head of an army there, and to bring him up to London, and so to quell the Independent party ; but if I rightly guess, a false Presbyterian father betrayed them to his Independent son, and so the army, to prevent them, seized the King. Dunfermline is gone into France, and, as is thought, to get the Prince into Scotland, and so to play the game the better by that means." Dr. Denton to Sir R. Verney, June 14, Verncy MSS. Denton does not, it is true, express himself positively, but s 2 26o THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. Councils are proverbially slow in coming to a decision, and none of the Presbyterians had the promptness of resolution Lon without which no plot is ever successful. "Accord- deiibera- ing to the inveterate custom of England," wrote Bellievre some time later, " we have been deliberating for ten days without coming to a conclusion. We are trying to prevent the King of England from falling into the hands of the army. ... Of a dozen propositions the worst of which would have been better than doing nothing we have been unable to engage those members of Parliament who were in the design to carry any one into execution." l Parliament and army in short were watching one another with deep-seated suspicion, as Parliament and King had watched Mutual one another five years before. Whether it was true or not 2 and it is likely enough to have been true that the idea of bringing the King to the army was ripening amongst the Agitators, the Presbyterians were the first to make a false move. On the 2 1 st they had been all for May25 conciliation. On the 25th, instead of pushing on an Thedis- Ordinance giving the promised 'real and visible bandment . to be pro- security lor the arrears/ they resolved to proceed at once to the long-threatened disbandment. It was to commence on June i with the infantry. 4 Each regiment was to be taken to a separate rendezvous, in order to hinder con- certed action, and the choice between service in Ireland and instant disbandment was to be peremptorily offered to every he was a physician in good practice, and as such had excellent means of ascertaining the truth. What he says about Dunfermline's mission is, as will be seen, confirmed by Bellievre, and the rest of his story fits in very well with what we know from the despatches of Joachimi and Bellievre. The father and son referred to may be conjectured to have been the two Vanes. 1 Bellievre to Mazarin, June ~, R. O. Transcripts. 2 That the plan of carrying off the King to the army had been sug- gested some weeks before there can be no doubt. See p. 237. 3 See p. 258. 4 Waller, in his Vindication, 125, writes as if the soldiers ought to have been satisfied, omitting to take into account their distrust of unsecured promises of the future payment of arrears after disbandment. RESISTANCE THREATENED. 261 soldier. This scheme, having been accepted by the Commons on the 25th, was on the 27th adopted by the Lords. 1 As might have been expected the Agitators at once de- termined to resist. One of their number, probably Sexby, The wrote from London urging them to stir up the Agitators soldiers against all inducements to go to Ireland, determine to resist. and to seize on the persons of those officers who May 27. were prepared to lead them thither. 2 On the 27th a letter, probably from Ireton to Cromwell, expressed * n P^ am wor ds the dissatisfaction of the soldiers at soldiers ^ e sma ^ mess f tne sum offered them, and at the postponement of any vindication of the army from the charges unjustly brought against them. " Truly, sir," the writer proceeds, " I am loath to express what their sense is of this ; 'tis in vain to say anything on their behalf. I only dread the consequences, and desire that on all sides there may be more moderation and temper. I doubt the disobliging of so faithful an army will be repented of ; provocation and exaspera- tion makes men think of what they never intended. They are possessed as far as I can discern with this opinion, that if they be thus scornfully dealt with for their faithful services whilst the sword is in their hands, what shall their usage be when they are dissolved ? I assure you that passionate and violent counsel which is given thus to provoke the army will in time be apprehended to be destructive, or my observation fails me. It shall be my endeavour to keep things as right as I can, but how long I shall be able I know not. Unless you proceed upon better principles, and more moderate terms than I ob- served when I was in London in the bitterness of spirit in some Parliament men, citizens, and clergy, and by what I perceive in the resolution of the soldiers to defend themselves in just things as they pretend, ... I cannot but imagine a storm." 3 1 C.J. v. 183 ; L.J, ix. 207. 2 Sexby (?) to the Agitators, May 25 (?), Clarke Papers, i. loo. 3 Ireton (?) to Cromwell (?), Clarke Papers, i. 101. In the text the letter is dated on the 25th, but Mr. Firth shows that the date was almost certainly the 27th. If Ireton was the writer, it may be taken as strong evidence that neither he nor Cromwell was engaged in a scheme to stir 262 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. The storm was already gathering. In response to Sexby's call, 1 the Agitators drew up a petition in which they complained of the order for disbandment, not merely because Agitators' the soldiers' grievances were still unredressed, but also because the 'intenders, contrivers, and pro- moters of the destruction of the army,' had not been called to account. 2 Little hope of an understanding now remained. On the 28th the House vainly offered security for the arrears, and promised redress of grievances after the disband- The House* ment. 3 On the 2 Qth, a council of war which had security. been called by Fairfax recommended that a general May 29. rendezvous should be held, ostensibly as a means of o{ C w. c[l keeping the soldiers under better control, 4 but in A general reaut y to make it more easy to resist the disband- rendezvous merit. "A committee," wrote someone from Bury demanded. St. Edmunds, where the head- quarters now were, The disband- ... , , ~ . ment to be " is appointed ... to come down on Tuesday next to disband the general's regiment. They may as well send them among so many bears to take away their whelps." 5 The army was now thoroughly out of hand. On the 3ist, The when the commissioners appointed by Parliament to carry out the disbandment arrived at Chelmsford to ma ke a beginning with Fairfax's own regiment ibrd. O f f ootj they found everything in confusion. The Mutiny in soldiers of one company having broken open their regiment. lieutenant's door, pointed a musket at his breast, and compelled him to surrender their colours. After this exploit up the soldiers to mutiny. This letter is followed (p. 103) by one from Col. White, member for Pontefract, to Fairfax, dated May 28, in which the writer says that if the army refuses to disband, there will ' follow the ruin and desolation of the Commonwealth.' He then argues that 'the Parliament being disobeyed, and the kingdom burdened with an army voted unnecessary and to be disbanded, a force must be raised to compel obedience, and, rather than fail, the Scots speedily called in.' Here is confirmation enough of Dr. Denton's story ; see p. 259, note 3. 1 See p. 261. - Two Letters, E. 391, 2. 3 L.J. ix. 222. 4 Idem ix. 226; Clarke Papers, i. 1 08. 5 Idem, i. in. 1 647 A MUTINOUS ARMY. 263 they marched off towards Newmarket, the place fixed by Fairfax for the general rendezvous ; and all the other companies of the June i. regiment soon followed in their steps. On June i roadous tne commissioners, hearing that the mutineers were review. likely to halt at Braintree, sent Colonel Jackson to address them. The men, after professing their willingness to hear what he had to say, greeted him and his companions with cries of " Here come our enemies ! " When Jackson pro- ceeded to read the votes of Parliament in their hear- Miscondu-t , .,,, of some of ing, a soldier shouted out the question, " What do the soldiers. , . . , 1 .... ,, you bringing your twopenny pamphlets to us? The whole regiment then marched off towards Newmarket. On the way, some of the soldiers, unless the commissioners were mis- informed, betook themselves to plunder. At Braintree a house was broken open, and 5o/. carried off. It is true that the offenders were placed under arrest, but they were soon liberated by their comrades. The commissioners made the discovery, which it would have been well for those who sent them to have found out two months before, that the whole army was not yearning for spiritual liberty alone. " Many of the soldiers," they wrote, " being dealt with profess that money is the only thing they insist upon, and that four months' pay would have June 2 . given satisfaction." l It was evidently useless for Se C commis- tne commissioners to attempt to carry out their in- sioners. structions farther, and on June 2 the Houses recalled them to Westminster. 2 Amongst the outlying regiments was one which had been despatched to Portsmouth with a view to its embarkation for Rains- tne reduction of Jersey. Its colonel, Thomas Rains- andnfs h borough, was a son of the Rainsborough who, in the regiment. re ig n o f James I., had been employed against the pirates of Sallee. 3 At one time he served as a sailor, but soon after the outbreak of the Civil War had transferred himself to 1 The Commissioners for Disbandment to the Committee for Irish Affairs, May 31, Gary's Mem. of the Civil War, i. 219 ; the same to the same, June I, Tanner MS S. Iviii. fol. 129. 2 L.J. ix. 230. 3 See Hist, of Engl. 1603-1642, viii. 270. 264 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. the land service of the Parliament, and had recently been elected a member of the House of Commons. On the 28th news reached Westminster that his regiment had mutinied Mutiny of the m Hampshire and was marching towards Oxford. In fact the regiment was acting in accordance with orders from the Agitators, who were aware that Parliament wished to deprive the army of all military coherence by seizing its train of artillery, the greater part of which was stored at Oxford. May 28. On the 28th the House, hearing of the mutiny, sent May 30 Rains-borough off to quell it. On the 3oth he found fo^ughat hi s men at Abingdon, and succeeded, though not Abingdon. without difficulty, in maintaining his authority and in hindering the regiment from pursuing its march to Oxford. l On May 31, probably encouraged by their knowledge of Rainsborough's arrival at Abingdon, the Committee for Irish Ma Affairs gave orders for the transportation of the train Order to of artillery to London. It was certain that the Agi- artifie^at tators would do their utmost to hinder its removal, and that, unless a strong hand intervened to restore discipline, military anarchy would be the result. Fairfax had been drawn both ways, on the one hand by his sym- Fairfax .... -.. . _ and pathy with his men who were suffering from un- doubted grievances, and on the other hand by his reverence for Parliamentary authority. Up to this time Crom- Cromweii well, actuated by the same motives, had refrained wShSiiita 6 fr m action. His appearance at head-quarters as a anarchy, commissioner had been a last attempt to reconcile two contradictory policies, and to secure the disbandment of the army on fair terms. 2 The vote of May 25 for immediate 1 Clarke Papers, 105, note e ; Rainsborough to Lenthall, June I. Archaol. xlvi. 22. 2 Mr. Firth has called my attention to the following passage in a letter written to Cromwell on Dec. 3, 1656 (T/mrtoe, v. 674). "Sir Gilbert Pickering was pleased in .his garden privately to give me to understand with how much unwillingness you were at last drawn to head that violent and rash part of the army at Triploe Heath, when they would not disband. He did tell me you rode it out until the third letter came to you from them, wherein they peremptorily told you that, if you would not forthwith, nay presently, come and head them, they would go their own 1647 CROMWELL'S ATTITUDE. 265 disbandment had flung his mediation to the winds, and he found himself face to face with military anarchy as the only alternative to injustice. Whether the course taken by Parliament in dealing with the army would alone have been sufficient to change Cromwell's attitude it is impossible to say. There is every probability that his strongest motive for abandoning his professions of obedi- ence to Parliament was to be found in another quarter. Great as was Cromwell's dread of military anarchy, he dreaded still and with a more a renewal of the war, especially if it was to foreign ned involve the invasion of England by a Scottish invasion. army. Towards the end of May, at the very time when the London militia was being reorganised and the army threatened with the loss of its artillery, Cromwell learnt that the leading Presbyterians were negotiating with the French ambassadors and the Scottish commissioners for a Scottish in- tervention in England, and for carrying off the King from Holmby. 1 There is no need to seek further for motives to explain his abandonment of the position which he had main- tained for the last three months in spite of all temptation. To meet these designs it was not enough to maintain a hold on the artillery. The immediate source of danger lay in the Dan er of intention of the Presbyterians to possess themselves a Presb>- of the person of the King. As far as can be gathered seizure of from obscure hints which are all that have been handed down, a counter-move had for some days been projected by the Agitators. 2 There is, in fact, reason to way without you. They were resolved to do so, for they did see Presby- tery, London, and the Scots go in such ways as would beget a new war and very fatal also." 1 See p. 259, note 3. We may be sure that if Vane knew the secret, Cromwell knew it too. The betrayal of the plan for a Scottish invasion is corroborated by Joyce's narrative (Rushw. vi. 517), where it is said that one Scotch lord had been sent to France, and another to Scotland, ' and all this to bring another army into England.' - In a letter of the 29th (Clarke Papers, i. 112) we are told that ' Oxford, where our magazine is, we have well secured. I wish things at Holmby were as secure.' A passage from another letter, probably from Sexby, on the 28th, seems to point to the employment of someone who 266 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. believe that a certain Cornet Joyce, who had formerly been a tailor, had been directed by them to lead a picked body of horse to Oxford, and to take measures for the security of the artillery there. Possibly he had also orders to proceed to Holmby and to ward off any attempt to carry away the King. If this plan was discussed amongst the Agitators, it must have reached the ears of Cromwell. Though he had hitherto Cromwell renjse d to commit himself to the adoption of their and the projects, he led no isolated life, and he had given Agitators. . . them every reason to treat him with confidence. With the knowledge that he had recently acquired, he could no longer regard the situation as he had hitherto done. To keep England out of the hands of the Scots must have seemed to him a purely defensive measure. Yet, though it was no longer possible or even desirable to suffer the disbandment of the army, it was still both possible and desirable that a stop should be put to the military disorganisation now setting in, and that the irregular activities of the soldiers should be directed to the establishment of order on some new basis. Accordingly, on May 31, the day on which the order of the Presbyterian Committee for Irish Affairs for seizing the artillery A meeting at Oxford left London, a meeting was held at Crom- weU's m " well's house in Drury Lane, at which Joyce received house. instructions from Cromwell to carry out the double mission with which, in all probability, he had already been en- trusted by the Agitators. The official sanction of the Lieu- tenant-General was thus given to what had hitherto been merely a disorderly and mutinous suggestion. 1 Joyce was first to was to be sent at least to Oxford if not farther. ' Let two horsemen go presently to Colonel Rainsborough to Oxford, and be very careful you be not overwitted. Now break the neck of this design, and you will do it well, and you must now do to make a bolt or a shot, and not to dally, but a good party of horse of 1,000, and to have spies with them before to bring you intelligence, and to quarter your horse overnight, and to march in the night.' Idem 106. 1 Our knowledge of these proceedings comes from two witnesses : the first, John Harris, a printer who subsequently printed pamphlets for the army at Oxford and London, and afterwards both printed and wrote pam- 1647 JOYCE'S MISSION. 267 betake himself to Oxford to take measures for the security of the military stores, and then, placing himself at the head of a phlets in the interests of the levellers. In one of those written by himself under the pseudonym of ' Sirrahniho,' issued on Dec. 8, 1647, he attacked Cromwell, having had through his communications with the soldiers good opportunities of knowing the truth, whilst he had a strong desire to say everything to Cromwell's disadvantage. The title of this pamphlet was The Grand Design (E. 419, 5), the substance of which is incorporated in Holies 's Memoirs, which cannot therefore be here regarded as an original authority. " The army and council therefore," writes Harris, "did agree and enter into an engagement ... to endeavour and employ all their force to break and prevent that design of raising another army, and to defend, and to maintain and vindicate the liberties and native birthrights of all the free Commons of England. ... In pursuance whereof it was by some persons at L. -Gen. Cromwell's, he himself being present upon Monday at night before Whitsunday, 1647," i.e. May 31, " resolved that forasmuch as it was probable that the said Holies and his party had a determination privately to remove the King to some place of strength, or else to set him at the head of another army, that therefore Cornet Joyce should with as much speed and secrecy as might be, repair to Oxford, to give instructions for the securing the garrison, magazine, and train therein from the said party then endeavouring to get the same, and then forthwith to gather such a party of horse as he could conveniently get to his assistance, and either secure the person of the King from being removed by any other, or, if occa- sion were, to remove him to some place of better security for the preven- tion of the design of the aforesaid pretended traitorous party, which was accordingly done, both with the knowledge and approbation of L.-Gen. Cromwell, though he afterwards, like a subtle fox, would not be pleased to take notice of it." The second witness is Major Huntington, also a witness with intimate knowledge of Cromwell's proceedings, and, when his evidence was given, bitterly hostile to him. In his Sundry Reasons, laid before the House of Lords on August 2, 1648, he mentions a letter written by Joyce to Fairfax shortly after the seizure of the King. ''The General," he proceeds, "being troubled thereat, told Commissary General Ireton that he did not like it, demanding who gave those orders. He replied that he gave orders only for securing the King there, and not for taking him away from thence. Lieut. -Gen. Cromwell, coming then from London, said that if this had not been done, the King would have been fetched away by order of Parliament, or else Col. Graves, by the advice of the Commissioners, would have carried him to London, throwing themselves upon the favour of the Parlia- ment for that service. The same day Cornet Joyce being told that the General was displeased with him for bringing the King from Holmby ; he 268 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. body of 500 horse, furnished out of several regiments, he was to ride to Holmby and to secure the person of the King against any attempt to carry him off in order to place him at the head either of a new Presbyterian army in England or of a Scottish invading force. It is moreover possible that Joyce was also instructed by Cromwell to carry Charles to some place of greater security in case of any attempt being made to rescue him. When, on June i, Joyce reached Oxford, he found the disposition of the garrison all that could be desired. Not June i. only did the soldiers refuse to part with the artillery Oxford!* entrusted to their care, 1 but when on the following Tune 2 day or ders arrived from the committee for disband- money e b f ment tnat 3>5^ which had been brought down to the garrison, pay them off should be sent back to London, they resolutely refused to part with the money. Gathering in the High Street, in front of All Souls' College where the treasure answered that Lieut. -Gen. Cromwell gave him orders in London to do what he had done, both there and in Oxford." The two stories, it will be seen, corroborate one another. Harris knows only what passed in Drury Lane, Huntington only what passed at Newmarket. There is further evidence that the plan did not originate with Cromwell. In A Back Blow to Major Huntington, E. 461, 34, Hunting- ton is charged with being active in promoting the scheme before either Cromwell or Ireton knew of it. " For the King's remove by Cornet Joyce," the author tells us, "those private instructions he," i.e. Huntington, ' ' gave to some troopers can witness how far he was engaged in it, before they knew it. " The only question arising from the extracts given above, is whether Cromwell ordered Joyce simply to secure the King, or also to carry him off if necessary. I suspect that Harris's account is correct on this point ; namely, that Cromwell's main instruction was to secure the King from being carried off, but that he also said something about remov- ing him to a place of greater security if a rescue were attempted with any probability of success. This would account both for Joyce's persistence in alleging that he had only obeyed orders, and for Cromwell's refusal to accept Joyce's action as emanating from himself, on the ground that there was no immediate danger of a forcible rescue whilst Joyce was at Holmby. On the other hand, Mr. Firth suggests to me that Harris may have derived his information from Joyce, and that it is thus tainted at its source. 1 Waller's Vindication, 136, 1647 JOYCE AT HOLM BY. 269 was stored, they beat off a party of dragoons which attempted to reclaim it. 1 By this time Joyce was far on his way to Holmby at the head of some 500 horse, 2 which had joined him from on towards various regiments. Towards the evening of the 2nd he found Charles in a bowling-green near Holmby, and afterwards followed him to Althorp, whither the King betook himself in the company of Dunfermline and Colonel Graves, the commander of the garrison of Holmby House. and finds the J ovce > being in advance of his main body, was, how- King, ever, accompanied by too small a party to do more than watch the movements of Graves, who, as he knew, was a warm adherent of the Presbyterian party. By ten at night, long after Charles had ridden off from Althorp, Joyce collected his whole force about two miles from Holmby. 3 The little garrison of Holmby consisted at this time of no more than fifty or sixty men 4 who had already been gained Flight of over by tne Agitators. 5 Graves, therefore, prudently Graves. fl e( j as soon as ne i earn t his danger. In the early morning Joyce's followers surrounded the house. No re- sistance was made, but the back door was thrown joy" e n effects open, and, in an instant, the soldiers on both sides ntry> flung themselves into one another's arms. The Parliamentary commissioners demanded of Joyce the reason and explains of his intrusion. He had come, he stated quietly, ordered To* * wlt ^ authority from the soldiers to seize Colonel seize Graves, Graves that he might be tried before a council of war,' in order to prevent the execution of a plot 'to convey the King to London without directions of the Parlia- ment.' Being asked to put his statement into writing, he 1 Wood's Annals of the University, ii. 508 ; see Clarke Papers, i. 119. - This is the number given by Joyce himself. Idem, i. 119. 3 A True and Impartial Narrative, Riishw. vi. 513. This was no doubt, as Professor Masson has pointed out, Joyce's own account of the affair. See also Montague to Manchester, June 3, L.J. ix. 237. 4 Idem, ix. 235. 5 Clarke Papers, i. 113. 276 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. handed in a paper in which he reiterated his belief that the who was in s ldiers were 'endeavouring to prevent a second league with vvar discovered by the design of some men privately motersofa to take away the King, to the end he might side with that intended army to be raised, which, if effected, would be to the utter undoing of the kingdom.' l During the greater part of the day Joyce kept quiet, seemingly content with watching the King and preventing his flight. There is, indeed, reason to believe that on the 2nd, the day on which Joyce was still on the march, Dunfermline Joyce keeps had ^^ before Charles, on behalf of the English quiet ail day. Presbyterians, a recommendation that he should ask the commissioners to connive at his escape, and that Charles, having made the request, had been thwarted by the refusal of two of them to give their consent without an express order from Parliament. 2 It is improbable that any word of this project reached Joyce's ears ; yet, as the day wore on, the suspicions of his men were aroused. A few soldiers of the garrison Suspicions , , . 11, , of Joyce's who had attached themselves to Graves were heard to say that ' they would fetch a party,' and as it was known that some soldiers who had volunteered for Ireland were in the neighbourhood, the idea spread that Graves would return with them to rescue the King. During the afternoon there was much discussion amongst the new-comers, and in the end they resolved that Charles must be removed to a place of greater security. At ten at night they despatched Joyce to the commissioners with a request that he might be allowed to speak to the King himself. For half an hour the commis- 1 True and Impartial Narrative, Rushw. vi. 513. This language con- firms the accuracy of Dr. Denton's story. - The authority for this statement is a letter from the King, printed in Bamfield's Apology, 25. Bamfield's authority is usually thought to be questionable, and the letter is dated June 4 an impossible date. It has, however, all the appearance of being genuine, and if we suppose June 4 to be a misprint for June 2, there would be everything in favour of its accept- ance. Bamfield's narrative seems to place it on the 3rd, which can hardly be right, as in that case it would have contained some notice of Joyce's arrival and the flight of Graves. i6 4 ? JOYCE'S COMMISSION. 271 sioners held him off; but he was not to be gainsaid, and made Joyce forces his way to the room in which Charles was, by that the King? time, asleep. The attendants attempted to bar his chamber, passage, till Charles, roused by the noise of the dis- pute, commanded them to admit him. Joyce, once in Charles's presence, was all civility. He had come, he said, for the good of his Majesty and the king- dom. He then asked Charles to accompany him to some other place. After considerable hesitation Charles showed signs of giving way. Would Joyce, he asked, promise three things to do no harm to his person, to force him to nothing against his conscience, and to allow his servants to accompany and obtains him ? These questions having been answered in the affirmative, Charles promised to leave Holmby j n tne mO ming on condition that the soldiers con- firmed the assurances of their commander. On this Joyce quitted the room, and Charles was left to find what rest he could. 1 Voluntarily or involuntarily it is impossible to say which Charles had given his word. He did not so love either the army or the Presbyterians as to care much in whose custody he was, and was always well pleased when anything occurred to use his own language to set his opponents by the ears. At six in the morning of the 4th, Charles, according to promise, stepped out on the lawn in front of the house, where June 4 . he found himself face to face with Joyce, behind shows his whom were the troopers drawn up in ordered ranks, commission. At n { s demand the men at once shouted their adhe- sion to the promises given by their commander. The King then turned inquiringly to Joyce. "What commission," he asked, " have you to secure my person ? " Joyce tried hard to evade the question, but Charles fixed him to the point. "Have you nothing," he said, "in writing from Sir Thomas 1 True and Impartial Narrative, Rushw. vi. 513 ; compare Herbert's Memoirs, 20. Where the two authorities differ, I have preferred the narrative in Rush worth, which is Joyce's own, to a story told many years after the events, especially as Herbert is demonstrably loose about facts. 272 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. Fairfax, your general, to do what you do?" Again Joyce attempted to avoid giving a direct answer, but Charles was not to be put off. " I pray you, Mr. Joyce," he again demanded, " deal ingenuously with me, and tell me what commission you have." " Here," replied Joyce, in desperation, " is my com- mission." "Where?" said Charles, puzzled for the time. Then Joyce turned in his saddle and pointed to the disciplined ranks of the soldiers who had fought at Naseby. " It is be- hind me," was all the explanation he had to give. Charles could no longer misunderstand him. " It is as fair a commis- sion," he said doubtless with a smile " and as well written as I have seen a commission written in my life : a company of hardsome, proper gentlemen as I have seen a great while." After some further conversation, Charles asked Joyce whither he was to accompany him. To Oxford, replied Joyce. Charles Charles thought the air of Oxford unhealthy, on leaves which Joyce suggested Cambridge. Charles an- swered that he preferred Newmarket, and it was at once arranged that to Newmarket he was to go. After a formal protest from the Parliamentary commissioners, Charles went into the house to prepare for his journey, and, before the morning was far advanced, was on his way, under Joyce's escort, to the place which he had selected. 1 1 True and Impartial Narrative, Rushw. vi. 513. In addition to the evidence given at p. 266, note I, to establish the complicity between Crom- well and Joyce may be added a story which appears in its most authentic form in Whitacre's Diary (Add. MSS, 31, 116, fol. 3i2b), under the date of June 4 : " Also the House was informed by Mr. Holies of a letter was come to his hands written from Holmby by Cornet Joyce, with direction that it should be delivered to Lieut. -Gen. Cromwell, or in his absence to Sir Arthur Hazlerigg or Colonel Fleetwood, whereby Mr. Holies would have inferred that those three gentlemen held correspondence with that cornet, and so had intelligence of that party's carrying away the King and the commissioners from Holmby. But Sir Arthur Hazlerigg denied any knowledge he had thereof, and the names of none of those gentlemen did appear upon the superscription of that letter ; so there was no further pro- ceeding upon it at that time." There can hardly be any doubt that Mr. Firth is right in supposing that the letter in question is the one now printed in the Clarke Papers, i. 118: "Sir, We have secured the King. Graves is run away; he 1647 THE ARMY^S JUSTIFICATION. 273 The abduction of the King was the answer to the Presby- terian attempt to raise a force to overpower the army and to Result of break it up in concert with the Scots. That the dispute between Parliament and army should have come to suc ^ a pi tcn was tne result of Presbyterian bungling in the early stages of the conflict. When the army had been once estranged, mutual distrust rose so high that the supporters of Parliamentary authority easily convinced themselves that it was better to got out about one o'clock in the morning, and so went his way. It is suspected he has gone to London ; you may imagine what he will do there. You must hasten an answer to us, and let us know what we shall do. We are resolved to obey no orders but the General's. We shall follow the Commissioners' directions while we are here if just in our eyes. I humbly entreat you to consider what is done, and act accordingly with all the haste you can. We shall not rest night nor day till we hear from you." This letter, which is dated June 4, evidently by mistake for June 3, com- pletes the evidence in favour of the view that Cromwell sent Joyce not to remove the King, but merely to secure him from a Presbyterian attempt to carry him off. That Joyce took no steps even to suggest a removal during the whole of the 3rd till ten at night is sufficient proof, and there is certainly no hint in the letter of any intention at the time when it was written to move the King from Holmby. According to Joyce's own story, given above, the removal was the result of suspicion of a rescue entertained by the soldiers. Joyce's suggestion of Oxford as the place to which Charles was to be taken looks as if he thought rather of placing him in security than of bringing him to the army, and so falls in with Harris's story, that Cromwell ordered Joyce either to 'secure the person of the King from being removed by any other ; or, if occasion were, to remove him to some place of better security for the prevention of the design of the aforesaid . . . party' (see p. 266, note i). It may, I think, be gathered from the com- plete silence of any contemporary writer that no attempt whatever was made to rescue Charles, and Cromwell may very well have found fault with Joyce for doing that which he was only conditionally ordered to do, and that too when the condition did not exist. The idea of bringing the King to the army had emanated from the soldiers (see p. 240), and Joyce's action would appear to Cromwell as having been done in obedience to the wishes of the Agitators rather than to his own directions, and he might thus have fairly joined in the declaration made by the general officers to the King that ' he was removed from Holmby without their privity, know- ledge, or consent,' even if he had suggested the removal conditionally upon an event taking place which, in fact, did not occur. Newsletter, June 7, Clarke Papers, i. 125. VOL. III. T 274 THE ABDUCTION OF THE KING. CH. XLIX. accept the aid of the Scots than to allow English opinion to be crushed even by an English army. " It's now come to this," Sir Walter Erie had been heard to say of the soldiers, " that they must sink us, or we sink them." * The real weakness of the Presbyterians was that they had neither a policy which would conciliate nor a leader in whom they could repose con- fidence. They .could not uphold civilian against military organisation without replacing the King in at least some part lof his old authority, and the King was prepared to outwit jthem as soon as he regained power. Charles was an ally who Inever failed to ruin any man or party that trusted in him. 1 Rushw. vi. 515. 275 CHAPTER L. THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. ON June 2, the day on which Joyce was riding towards Holmby, the framers of the three Lilburnian petitions, the last of which had been burnt by the Commons, 1 laid before the 1647. J June 2. House SL fourth petition, couched in more violent Liiburaian language than was to be found in the other three. It asked, as the Agitators had asked not long before, 2 that the leaders of the majority might be called to account ; that a committee might be appointed to dismiss untrustworthy officials ; that the grievances of the soldiers might be heard and redressed ; and that the old City Militia Committee 3 might be restored. 4 The Presbyterian majority was by this time somewhat cowed. Though nothing was yet known at Westminster of An answer Joyce's movements, it was at least suspected that postponed, trouble was impending, and the manifest understand- ing between the petitioners and the Agitators was not calcu- lated to allay the prevailing sense of danger. Consequently the House did not venture to burn the fourth petition as it had burnt the third, and only by a majority of 128 to 112 voted that its immediate consideration should be postponed. 5 The House was perhaps the more irresolute - as old soldiers 1 See pp. 254, 257. 2 See p. 262. * See p. 250. 4 Gold Tried in the Fire, p. II, E. 392, 19. 5 C.J. v. 195. T 2 276 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. of the armies disbanded when the New Model was formed in Disbanded i 6 45 had been crowding into London, to press their claims. On the morning of the 2nd some of them posted up on the door of the House of Commons, a reminder to "All gentlemen commoners that enter therein To do justice to all men ; who will then begin To pay all those that have for you fought : If long you delay, sure all will be naught." These lines were followed by a summons to 'all gentlemen soldiers that are justly behind in their arrears ' to meet in the churchyard of Westminster Abbey on the following day. l Assailed by these threats, the House awoke to the necessity of regaining confidence. On the 3rd it reappointed Resolutions a committee which had been instructed to receive complaints against members or their servants charged bribery. It also passed resolutions to expe- e taking of soldiers' accounts, and to find a security for the eventual payment of arrears. Scarcely had this been done when the House was startled by news that News from Joyce's party had arrived in the neighbourhood of Hoimby, Holmby on the preceding evening, and that one of his men 'had been heard to say that their design was to carry and from ^ the King. 2 The reception of this news was fol- cheimsford. \ ow ^ by the reading of a letter from the commis- sioners for disbandment, announcing their complete failure at Chelmsford. 3 Under this pressure the Presbyterian majority took a step which three months before might have averted disaster. They moved that ' the consideration of money for the in the common soldiers be proceeded with in the first place,' and this resolution they carried by 154 to 123. Full arrears, it was agreed, and no beggarly instalment of six 1 MS. E. 396, 14. 2 L.J. ix. 232. The time of the reception of the message is not given in the Commons Journal, and is only indicated by the order dismissing Harris, the bearer of the message. 3 C.J. v. 196. See p. 262. 1 647 NEWS FROM HOLM BY. 277 or eight weeks, should be given to every soldier. As a counter- A move of stro ^ e tne Independents asked that the Declaration the inde- of March 30, l in which those soldiers who held pendents. _ . , . . ., . . ... firmly by their first petition of grievances were quali- fied as 'enemies of the State,' should be expunged from the Tune 4 . journals. The Presbyterians resisted, keeping up Declaration the debate till two in the morning of the 4th, when expunged. m a House already thinned and weary the Indepen- dents carried their point by a majority of 96 to 79. 2 When after a brief rest the House met again, it was to hear News that that Holmby was actually occupied by Joyce. It occupied 5 was one more reason for giving tardy satisfaction to Holmby. tne material grievances of the soldiers, and the House o^ th e ures f res l ve d to reconsider the Ordinance of Indemnity, 3 Commons, and to render it more complete. On the other hand, in order to win over a body of men who might be useful if the army still held out, a resolution was adopted for satisfying the disbanded soldiers of the old armies who had lately been Tunes. clamouring for their arrears. 4 On the 5th it was gaTn f the to known at Westminster that Charles was actually on his way to Newmarket, and the Houses, making a virtue of necessity, directed Fairfax to appoint for the Qth a general rendezvous on Newmarket Heath, when the votes which Parliament had recently passed in favour of the soldiers might be laid before them. 5 In the afternoon Dunfermline Dunferm- appeared, bearing a message in which the King sage'f^m" stated that he had left Holmby against his will, and the King. t h at lie expected Parliament to preserve its own honour and the established laws of the land. 6 Charles was evidently anxious to hinder a good understanding between Parliament and army by every means in his power. 1 The Declaration is in the motion called the Declaration of March 29. It passed the Lords on the 3Oth, but the date on which it passed the Commons was the 29th. See p. 229. C.J. v. 197 ; Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31, 116, fol. 3 lib. 3 See p. 258. 4 C.J. v. 198. 5 The Houses to Fairfax, June 5, L.J. ix. 241. 6 L./. ix. 242. 278 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. What backing the Scots could give to the English Presby- terians was now given. On the 6th, Lauderdale and his fel- june 6 low-commissioners presented a strong remonstrance iS^onstrate a amst t ^ ie abduction of the King, and called on Parliament to bring Charles up to the neighbour- Proposals of hood of London. On this the Lords reminded the ses> Commons of the vote sent down to them some days before for bringing the King to Oatlands. 1 The Commons, less rash than the other House, contented themselves with writing to Fairfax to send him back to Holmby. 2 As far as the Presbyterian leaders were concerned, the conciliatory votes of Parliament were a mere blind. On the June 6. 6th Massey, on whose military support they were 5Sp U rts- f able to county rode through the City, calling on the byterians. citizens to defend themselves against the madmen of the army, whose aim was the beheading of the best men in the Parliament and the City. 3 The Presbyterians in combination with the Scottish commissioners had alreadv de- Dunfermhne J sent to spatched Dunfermlme across the Channel. When he arrived in France he was to urge Henrietta Maria to send the Prince of Wales to Scotland in order that he might head the projected army of invasion, 4 and to assure the Queen that as soon as her son had crossed the Border every Presby- terian in England would join him in arms. 5 Cromwell's asser- tion that the Presbyterians were prepared to plunge England 1 L.J. ix. 243, 244. 2 C.J. v. 201. 3 Letter of Intelligence, June ^, Clarendon MSS. 2,528. 4 Montreuil, who had been at Edinburgh since the beginning of February, wrote in May that this plan had already been adopted. Montreuil to Brienne, ^~%~, Carte MSS. Ixxxiii. fol. 176. 3 According to Bellievre, Dunfermline was instructed by the English Presbyterians and the Scottish Commissioners to dispose the Queen ' a faire aller le Prince de Galles en Escosse pour, avec toutes les forces de ce Royaume la, venir en Angleterre se joindre aux Presbyteriens, que les principaux asseurent se devoir tous declarer pour les interests dudit Roy.' Bellievre to Mazarin, June T 7 Y , R. 0. Transcripts. In a Royalist letter of Intelligence, of June 10, it is said, with far less probability, that the Prince was to come to London, Clarendon MSS. 2,530. 1647 CROMWELL'S RIDE TO THE ARMY. 279 into a fresh war rather than miss their aim needs no farther justification. The Presbyterians, on the other hand, believed, without any real foundation, that the army leaders had plotted a mutiny June 3 . from the very beginning of the troubles with the Siln^ r and y " soldiers. On June 3, when the first news of Joyce's Cromwell, march reached Westminster, they instinctively picked out Cromwell as the main contriver of the plot. They whis- The talk of P ered to one another of impeaching and even of arresting arresting him ; but there was no promptitude of action in them, and Cromwell slipped out of the House before they were prepared to act. Either on that even- June 5 . ing, or on the morning of the 4th, he left London, NewmSkS. reaching Newmarket in the evening. 1 Earlier in the The rendez- da y the appointed rendezvous was held on Kentford vouson Heath, about four miles from Newmarket. Loud Kentford Heath. shouts from the assembled soldiers testified their welcome to Fairfax as he rode up to take his place amongst them. In their name the Agitators placed in the hands of the General a Humble Representation of the dissatisfac- A Humble . . J Representa- tions of the Army, criticising the terms formerly offered to the soldiers, claiming the right of petition, and bitterly attacking the Declaration which had been re- 1 Ludlow (Memoirs, ed. 1751, i. 164) puts Cromwell's flight in con- nection with the events which led to the Declaration of March 30 (see p. 229), which is obviously absurd. Wildman, in Putney Projects, p. 7 (E. 421, 19), says that Cromwell was forced to fly to the army the day after the first rendezvous, which would be on the 5th. This, however, does not fit in with the Parliamentary occurrences of the time, as if Cromwell had remained in London till the 5th he could hardly have escaped arrest, and, unless it is a mere mistake, it may perhaps be taken to mean that Cromwell made his first public appearance at the second rendezvous on Kentford Heath, which took place on the 5th. Seria exercittis series (E. 419, 6) makes him arrive during the rendezvous without stating whether the first or second is meant. Judging by the internal evidence of the Solemn Engagement, I feel no doubt that Cromwell had a hand in it ; and as that was presented on the 5th, he can hardly have reached Newmarket later than the evening of the 4th. As this date fits in with the course of events at Westminster, I have felt justified in assuming its correctness, but it is a matter of inference, not of evidence. 28o THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. scinded at Westminster early on that very morning. 1 If, it was further alleged, the men who could frame such a libel upon the army were still in credit, there would be no safety lor indi- vidual soldiers after disbandment. There was, as far as words went, no actual dictation to the Houses, but no room was left for doubt that the soldiers wished the Presbyterian leaders to be excluded from power. " Having," they said, " in this par- ticular expressed both the case and the consequence very plainly, we leave it at the Parliament's door until they shall be pleased to fix the blame on those particular persons." 2 It is not improbable that this appeal was penned some days before it was placed in the hands of Fairfax. Another, named June 5. A Solemn Engagement of the Army, which was pro- gng-agenttnt duced an d subscribed by the soldiers at a second of the Army, rendezvous held on Kentford Heath on the 5th, was instinct with the fears and passions of the hour. It charged the Presbyterian leaders not merely with hostility to the army, as evinced by their public acts, but with a secret determination to light the flames of a new war. In the face of this danger officers and soldiers agreed that they would not disband before they had received satisfaction for their complaints, and also security that neither they nor ' other the free born people of England ' should be subjected to the injustice from which they had suffered in the past. They further demanded that they should themselves be secured by the cessation of the authority of the men now in power from liability to punishment for the part which they had taken in resisting disbandment. Thus far there was little to distinguish the Solemn Engage- ment from the Humble Representation except that it was rather more outspoken. As far as there is any internal The latter r ... portion writ- evidence of authorship in its earlier paragraphs it Cromwell's points to those Agitators who had come under the nfluence. influence Q f Lilburne. The later portion of the document, however, contains two practical declarations which 1 See p. 277. 2 A Humble Representation, Rushiu. vi. 505. As appears from a letter in Rushw. vi. 504, it was delivered to Fairfax on the 4th, though it received additional signatures on the 5th. 1647 THE COUNCIL OF THE ARMY. 281 can hardly have been inserted excepting under the influence of Cromwell, whose arrival at Newmarket on the evening before The Solemn Engagement was finally put into shape converted a protest into a declaration of policy. It must have been evident to Cromwell that if the army was to refuse obedience to Parlia- ment, except under certain conditions, it must not be left to the Agitators alone to pronounce what those conditions were to be. Accordingly the Solemn Engagement pro- A Council of . , . , . . _ ;L the Army to ceeded to demand the erection of a Council of the Army, to be composed in the first place of those general officers who had hitherto sided with the soldiers, and in the second place of two commissioned officers and two private soldiers ' to be chosen for each regiment.' No offer of security or satisfaction was to be held adequate till it had been NO attack on accepted by this council. Further, there was to be ter e ia^s1n- y " no attack made on the Presbyterians as Presby- tended. terians. " And whereas," continues this remarkable State paper, "we find many strange things suggested or sus- pected to our great prejudice concerning . . . designs in this army, as to the overthrow of magistracy, the suppression or hindering of Presbytery, the establishment of Independent government, or upholding of a general licentiousness in religion under pretence of liberty of conscience, and many such things ; we shall very shortly tender to the Parliament a vindication of the army from all such scandals." The army, in short, would not support any particular party, but rather 'study to promote such an establishment of common and equal right and freedom to the whole, as all might equally partake of, but those that do, by denying the same to others or otherwise, render themselves incapable thereof.' * To organise the army while weakening the power of the Agitators by bringing them into close contact with the officers, Cromwell's ^^ at t ^ G SamG t * m6 tO ^ tam ^* Om tne Soldiers services. themselves authority for the pursuance of a policy of His change moderation, was a service worthy of Cromwell's in- tervention. His change of front in abandoning his strong objection to any military resistance to the authority of 1 A Solemn Engagement, Rushw. vi. 510. 282 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. Parliament was evident to all, though it was not likely that those who had hitherto relied on his assurances would ascribe it to its true cause his discovery of the intention of his opponents to use armed force for the accomplishment of their ends. 1 1 The widely accepted view that Cromwell had all through been act- ing hypocritically finds strong expression in Waller's Vindication (p. 139), where it is said that he stole away ' after he had publicly in the House of Commons disclaimed all intelligence with the army as to their mutinous proceedings, and invoked the curse of God upon himself and his posterity if ever he should join or combine with them in any actings or attempts contrary to the orders of the House.' No date is given for these assevera- tions, and Waller was doubtless quite unaware of the importance of dis- tinguishing between words spoken before Cromwell knew of the Presby- terian negotiation with the Scots, and words spoken after that discovery. It is at least curious that Holies, Cromwell's bitter opponent, tells a similar story, but places the event in his Memoirs, pp. 84-86, before, and not after, the mission to Saffron Walden, which was authorised by the Commons on April 30. He says that the other officers then disclaimed any sympathy with the resistance of the soldiers, ' as Cromwell did openly in the House, protesting, for his part, he would stick to Parliament, whilst underhand they sent their encouragements and directions. ' When Crom- well returned, according to Holies, 'he who had made those solemn protestations with some great imprecations on himself if he failed in his performance, did notwithstanding privily convey thence his goods (which many of the Independents likewise did), leaving City and Parliament as marked out for destruction, and then without leave of the House (after some members missing him and fearing him gone ; and having notice of it came and showed himself a little in the House), did steal away that evening.' I believe that neither W T aller nor Holies is correct as to dates. We can fix on two protestations made by Cromwell, one on March 20 or 22 (see p. 222, note i) ; the other on May 21 (see p. 258). Cromwell may, as Holies says, have also protested shortly before April 30, but it is more likely that Holies was thinking of one or the other of the two protesta- tions for which there is actual evidence. Waller's story no doubt refers to the protestation of May 21, which was made before he heard of the Presbyterian plot. That there was no dishonesty in Cromwell's earlier protestation we know, from Wildman's Putney Projects, p. 7 (E. 421, 19), in which he asserts that Cromwell and Ireton ' were willing at least by their creatures to suppress the soldiers' first most innocent and modest petition ; and Colonel Rich sent several orders to some of his officers to prevent subscriptions to that petition, and the constant importunity and solicitation of many friends could not prevail with Cromwell to appear 1647 CROMWELL'S DIFFICULTIES. 283 It was difficult even for Cromwell to keep under strict discipline a soldiery which had been so long out of hand. until the danger of imprisonment forced him to fly to the army.' Wild- man was in close contact with the most violent Agitators, and is therefore a far better witness as to Cromwell's alleged secret communications with them than Holies can possibly be. His words may, therefore, be taken as conclusive against the theory that Cromwell was pursuing a double game, especially as they are corroborated by those of Lilburne (see p. 226, note 3). There is a story which Burnet (Hist, of his Chan Time, ed. 1823, i. 25) states that he heard from Grimston, which was adopted without criticism by M. Guizot (Charles I. ii. 32). Grimston, according to Bur- net, told him that ' when the House of Commons and the army were a quarrelling at a meeting of officers, it was proposed to purge the army, that they might know better whom to depend on. Cromwell upon that said he was sure of the army ; but there was another body that had more need of purging, namely, the House of Commons, and he thought the army only could do that.' Grimston further said that he heard of this from two officers who were present at the meeting, that he produced them in the House, where they re-affirmed their statement, and that 'when they withdrew Cromwell fell down on his knees and made a solemn prayer to God, attesting his innocence, and his zeal for the service of the House ; he submitted himself to the providence of God, who, it seems, thought fit to exercise him with calumny and slander, but he committed his cause to Him ; this he did with great vehemence and many tears.' In the first place, Grimston told this story * a few weeks before his death,' which took place in 1683, or more than thirty-five years after the event referred to, nothing of the kind appearing in any of the numerous attacks on Cromwell published in 1647. In the second place there is a passage in Wild man's Putney Project 's, p. 45, which throws some light on the subject. Cromwell and Ireton, he writes, ' professed themselves to be pained to the very hearts, because their way was not clear to purge the House from these unworthy men,' but when ' seventy or eighty usurped a Parliamentary power, and complotted the imbruing the people in blood, they rejoiced that God had cleared their way to purge the House,' saying, the Lord hath justified our cause, and hath suffered the enemies of our peace and freedom to dig pits of destruction for themselves, they have written their wickedness in their foreheads, and made the way plain for their own ejection from the House.' Purging here means not such action as led to the expulsion of the eleven members, but the clearing away of large numbers, as was done in December 1648 by Pride's purge. Cromwell, as far as we know, first talked of purging the House in this sense in the latter part of August 1647, 284 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. Before the rendezvous came to an end, some of the regiments called out that the officers who had not stood by them in their Some officers troubles ought to be cashiered, whilst Robert Lil- expeiied. bumc's men, taking the law into their own hands, drove off the heath the objects of their dislike. 1 The army had all but broken with the Houses, but as yet it had not entered into any direct relations with the King. On Tune J une 4? the day f the fi rs t rendezvous, Fairfax heard Whalley sent o f the arrival of Joyce at Holmby. He at once to guard the . . King. despatched Whalley with his regiment to protect Junes. Charles from insult. On the 5th he ordered the orderethat removal of head-quarters to Cambridge, and on his shaifbe 8 wa Y thither, having received news that the King had taken back. b een actually carried off by Joyce, sent two more regiments as a reinforcement to Whalley, at the same time ordering him to halt at Huntingdon, and, on the arrival of Joyce's party, to liberate Charles and conduct him back to Holmby. To this Cromwell added instructions to Whalley ' to use anything but force to cause His Majesty to return.' 2 It was by Charles himself that Fairfax's orders were frus- trated. He took up his quarters at Sir John Cutts' house at June 6. Childerley, not far from Cambridge, and absolutely SuSto refused to go back to Holmby. On the yth, Fairfax, return. accompanied by Cromwell and other officers, rode over to Childerley, hoping to be able to persuade the King to which is about the time at which Wildman puts it in his reference to the 'seventy or eighty,' that is to say, to the Presbyterians sitting in the absence of the Speakers at the end of July. If we accept Wildman's whole statement, the earlier profession of being ' pained in their hearts ' would seem to indicate some language publicly used in the army to that effect, and this may have been the origin of the alleged information of the two officers in Grimston's story. If Cromwell's protestations were made at all, they may have been directed against a statement that he had actually advised the purge, which, according to Wildman, he had not done. 1 Perfect Diurnal, E. 519, 17. 2 Sir J. Berkeley's Memoirs, 13. Berkeley was on sufficiently friendly terms with the officers to obtain accurate information on this point ; and unless he is mistaken we have an additional reason for believing that Cromwell gave no orders to Joyce for the King's removal. 1 647 CHARLES AT NEWMARKET. 285 return to Holmby. Charles, who appeared to be in good spirits, rallied Joyce on his liability to be hanged as a traitor, June 7 . and begged to be allowed to continue his journey visited by to Newmarket. Fairfax consented, though he refused c?im a we?i nd to a U w him to pass through Cambridge, lest the members of the university and the townsmen should June 8. J Charles give him too enthusiastic a reception. On the 8th Newmarket. Charles made his way by country lanes to his own house at Newmarket, and was received by the villagers on his route with open demonstrations of loyalty. After his return from Childerley, Fairfax addressed a letter to the Houses, giving an account of what had passed, and expressly stating that the army wished to leave the A letter from settlement of all ecclesiastical questions 'to the wisdom of Parliament.' For the present, under pre- text of want of time, he kept back both the Humble Repre- sentation and the Solemn Engagement, no doubt because he still entertained a feeble hope that Parliament might even now be induced of itself to give satisfaction to the soldiers. 1 The Commons were indeed discovering that others besides the soldiers of Fairfax's army could importunately demand June 7 . their due. On the 7th their House was beset, not biet^Re- b Y Independents or the friends of Independents, but formadoes. by a mo b o f Reformadoes, 2 who had formerly served under Essex, Waller, or Massey. These men clamoured for their arrears, and refused to go away till io,ooo/. had been voted for them. The House knew that it might soon have need of the services of the Reformadoes. Not only was no farther step taken to conciliate the army, but the majority was settling down into a fixed determination to meet A senate force by force. On the 8th the Commons, hoping q^arter'elTat to form the nucleus of a Parliamentary army on Worcester. which they cou \d T Q\y } resolved that those soldiers who had volunteered for Ireland should be quartered at Wor- 1 Fairfax to Manchester, June 7 ; Montagu to Manchester, June 7, /,./. ix. 248, 249 ; Fairfax to Lenthall, June 8, Rushw. vi. 550 ; A Perfect Declaration, E. 392, 1 1. - Reformadoes were disbanded soldiers. 286 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. cester, and at once voted io,ooo/. for their pay. 1 The main dependence of Parliament, however, was on the City. In the course of the day, the sheriffs presented a petition A petition from the asking that the army might be paid off as soon as possible, and the King's person disposed of in such a way that the two Parliaments of England and Scotland might have access to him. The authors of this petition, conscious that it could only be carried into execution by force, further demanded the revival of an old Ordinance which permitted the City to raise cavalry in its own defence. 2 The proposal was excused on the ground that it would enable the City to deal more easily with mutinous Reformadoes, but it can hardly be doubted that its real object was to enable the City trained bands to take the field as a complete army. The Commons at once ordered that an Ordinance should be brought in to give effect to the desire of the petitioners. 3 As often happens when bodies of men are swayed by their impulses towards an irremediable appeal to force, Parliament Pacificatory f r a time abandoned itself in a half-hearted way to tendencies, pacificatory tendencies, though the House of Com- mons rejected by a bare majority of one a proposal to take into consideration the real grievances of the soldiers. 4 Both Houses concurred in a final effort to persuade the army to disband by offering a complete indemnity for acts done in the war, the actual repeal of the offensive Declaration of March 3o, 5 and an engagement to add io,ooo/. to the sum already voted for the speedy payment of arrears after disbandment. No such offers would now be of any avail unless an attempt was also made to put an end to the army's deep distrust of those who had Parliamentary authority in their hands. 6 On the morning of the loth the army was drawn up on Triploe Heath to receive this communication from Westmin 1 Whitacre's Diary, Add. MSS. 31, 116, fol. 312. 2 C.J. v. 203; L.J. ix. 251. 3 C.J. v. 206. 4 Idem, v. 202. 5 The House of Commons alone had already ordered it to be expunged from its Journals (see p. 97). Now it was repealed by Ordinance. 6 L.J. ix. 246, 247 ; C.J. v. 202. 1 647 TRIPLOE HEATH. 287 ster. Before the arrival of the commissioners each regiment was warned l ' to be very silent and civil towards them,' whilst it June 10. was at tne same time suggested ' that a way be forth- ^ en j d ripioe us with consulted for the speedy prevention of the Scotch Heath. invasion to disturb the kingdom.' 2 As soon as the last votes of Parliament had been read out, Skippon, speaking in the name of the commissioners, asked Fairfax's regiment of The Pariia ^ orse wnetner ^ was willing to accept the offers now mentary made. By an evidently preconcerted arrangement, one of the officers asked, in the name of the regi- rebuffed. ment ^ that ^ ^^ ^ Q referred to a select body of officers and Agitators in other words, to the newly-erected Council of the Army. To a demand whether the whole regi- ment agreed to this, the men replied with shouts of "All! All ! " and when the commissioners retired discomfited, cries of " Justice ! Justice ! " followed them as they rode away. All the other regiments made the same answer. 3 The position of Triploe Heath, seven miles from Cambridge in the direction of London, was a significant indication of the intention of the new Army Council to abandon a Designs of J the Army merely passive attitude. As soon as the appeal of the commissioners had been made, and made in vain, the whole army marched forward to Royston. The A letter to request of the City to levy horse gave an excuse for the cuy. addressing a remonstrance to the City rather than to Parliament, and in the evening of the loth a letter signed by Fairfax, Cromwell, Ireton, and ten other officers, was written to the City authorities. There can be little doubt that this letter was in great part the work of Cromwell. Not only is most of it written in his style, but it is redolent of his ideas. 4 It displays Cromwell 1 Probably by its Agitators, but this is not stated. 2 The regiments were also recommended to seize the Cinque Ports in order to prevent treasure going out of the kingdom, and to secure all committeemen and excisemen that they might render their accounts. Clarke Papers, i. 127. 3 Perfect Diurnal, E. 515, 19. 4 Carlyle fixed on it as Cromwell's production from its style. The evidence of its ideas is quite as striking. It is apparently in reference 288 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L as concealing from himself that he was really executing a change of front, and tenaciously holding to his old doctrine that the intervention of an army in affairs of State Cromwell J the chief is a grave evil, whilst in reality he was furthering author of it. . . . , . a course which he had long condemned. By a strange self-delusion he refused to admit that he was giving Distinction his approval to an enterprise in which soldiers were iSgiShmen attempting to bend the course of politics by the and soldiers, employment of their swords. What they required to be done was required by them not as soldiers but as Englishmen, 1 and their being soldiers could not strip them of their interest in the welfare of their country. " We desire," continued this noteworthy remonstrance, in a passage which may possibly have come from another pen than Cromwell's, ' a settlement of the kingdom, and of the liberties A happy settlement of the subject, according to the votes and declara- demanded. . r -r T i i i /- tions oi .Parliament which, before we took up arms, were by the Parliament used as arguments and inducements to invite us and divers of our dear friends out some of whom have lost their lives in this war, which being by God's blessing finished, we think we have as much right to demand and see a happy settlement, as we have to our money, or the other common interest of soldiers that we have insisted upon." The army, it was further declared, had no wish to establish a licentious liberty, or to alter the Civil Government. "We profess, as ever in these things," wrote this time No violent r revolution surely Cromwell himself, " when the State has once intended. , . _ i made a settlement, we have nothing to say but submit or suffer. Only we could wish that every good citizen and every man that walks peacefully in a blameless conversa- tion may have liberties and encouragements, it being according to the just policy of all States, even to justice itself." to Cromwell's language in proposing this letter that we are told that ' O. Cromwell spake as gallantly and as heroic as if he had been charging his enemies in the field.' Clarke Papers, i. 134. 1 Compare his language about coming to the army in the double capacity of commissioner and soldier, see p. 246, note 2. See, too, Waller's Vindication, p. 145, from which it appears that the distinction between soldiers and Englishmen originated with Cromwell. 1647 THE ARMY TO MARCH. 289 The writer of these words would not have been Cromwell if he had forborne to draw a practical conclusion. " These The army things," he continued, "are our desires, and the approach things for which we stand, beyond which we shall the city. no t g Oj and for the obtaining these things, we are drawing near your City, professing sincerely from our hearts we intend not evil towards you ; declaring with all confidence and assurance that, if you appear not against us in these our just desires, to assist that wicked party that would embroil us and the kingdom, nor we or our soldiers shall give you the least offence." The other alternative, however, must be faced. " If, after all this, you, or a considerable number of you, be seduced to take up arms in opposition to, or hindrance of, these our just undertakings, we hope, by this brotherly pre- monition, we have freed ourselves from all that ruin which may befall that great and populous City ; having hereby washed our hands thereof." l The letter thus drawn up may at least serve as an expla- nation of the charge of hypocrisy which was from this time The charge persistently brought against Cromwell. 2 Instead of agahSt Cnsy announcing plainly that he had changed his opinion Cromwell. m consequence of new circumstances which had come to his knowledge, he tried to persuade himself and others that he had not changed it at all. Put into straightforward Cromwell's language Cromwell's doctrine was sufficiently intelli- about'the gible. He held, in a somewhat hazy way, that it limits of was m all ordinary matters the duty of Englishmen authority. to submit to the authority of Parliament ; but that if Parliament, after refusing to do an act of justice to soldiers, roused a portion of the community to take arms against those whom it had wronged, and even invited a foreign nation to assist it in the work of compulsion, the soldiers were justified, 1 Fairfax and others to the Lord Mayor, &c. June 10, L.J. ix. 257. * "Here," wrote Holies afterwards, "they first take upon them openly to intermeddle with the business of the kingdom contrary to all the former declarations and their protestations ; but their words, nor yet their vows were never any rule to know their meaning by." Memoirs (ed. 1699), p. 103. VOL. III. U 290 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. not as soldiers, but as Englishmen, in averting so dire a calamity. It was not in Cromwell's nature to look far into the future, or he might have asked himself how, if once an army, under any pretence, interfered in affairs of State, it could be induced to draw back again when its first object has been The use of attained. In 1647 as m l6 4 2 f rc e had been called forth to resist misgovernment, and the habit of using force would never cease till the sword had been broken in the hands of those who wielded it. Those who blame the army may well be called on to blame still more the blundering incapacity of the King at one time, and of the Presbyterian majority at another ; whilst those who have no words Fairfaxs J ' part in the too strong in their condemnation of Cromwell's action, may do well to remember that the first signature to the letter was that of Fairfax. It is impossible to regard Fairfax as a mere satellite of Cromwell, obediently fulfilling the com- mands of a masterful subordinate. The most rational interpre- tation of his conduct is that he, like Cromwell, had been shaken by the discovery of the Presbyterian intrigue, and that, not being resourceful himself, he readily acquiesced in the employ- ment of resources offered by others. The day on which the letter was written was occupied by the House of Commons in angling for the good-will of the The temper City, of which, as the Humble Representation and House of tne Solemn Engagement had at last reached West- Commons, minster, their need had become pressingly evident. The House offered to abolish the excise on bread and meat, Overtures to decree that no member should henceforward de- to the city. r j ve p ro fi t from any office, grant, or sequestration, or receive recompense for his services until the public debt had been paid. Moreover, a committee was to be appointed to consider the abandonment of that privilege covering the goods of a member which had, in 1629, been strenuously upheld against the King. 1 On the nth, having received intelligence of the failure of their commissioners on Triploe Heath, the Houses took up the 1 C.J. v. 204; Whitacre's Diary, Add, MSS, 31, 116, 3i2b, 1647 DEFENSIVE MEASURES. 291 challenge there thrown down. They voted that all officers and soldiers deserting from the army should have the benefit of the late votes, and that io,ooo/. should be set aside Warlike for the satisfaction of the expected deserters. An resolutions. ~ , . . . ,, , Ordinance was then rapidly passed empowering the Committee for Irish Affairs, on which the Presbyterians were strongly represented, to raise horse and foot ; and at the same time the Ordinance voted by the Commons three days be- fore l by which the City was empowered to raise cavalry, was issued to the world. To give effect to these measures a new A Com Committee of Safety, composed of members of the mitteeof two Houses, was appointed to join the reformed City Committee of Militia, 2 in taking all necessary steps to defend 'the Kingdom, Parliament, and City.' An army, in short, was to be constituted in London to oppose the army at Royston. 3 It soon appeared that it was more easy to give warlike orders than to execute them. Many of the disbanded officers Coldness an d some private soldiers gave in their names for of the city. en ii stm ent, but, on the whole, the result was not encouraging. An army hurriedly brought together would hardly be able to meet Fairfax's veterans in the open field, and though the Presbyterian leaders counted on a Scottish force to come to their relief, 4 the City would, in all probability, be starved out long before assistance could reach it from the North. In the afternoon the arrival of the letter from the officers to the City, accompanied by the knowledge that the army had Arrival of moved forward to Royston, gave further pause to of tr!e" er tne warlike spirits. The first thought of the Houses officers. was to f or bid Fairfax to approach within forty miles of London. On the i2th, however, the effect of the letter from 1 See p. 286. 2 See p. 250. 3 L.J. ix. 255 ; C.J. v. 207. 4 " La fazione Presbiteriale anche ella parla assai alto, et di volere richiamare gli Scozzesi in questo Regno in suo aiuto, piii presto che di suffrire 1' Independente d' havere il suo intento," Salvetti's despatch, June |i, Add. MSS. 17, 962, L. fol. 3850. U 2 292 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. the army was more clearly seen. New commissioners were appointed to go to Fairfax's head-quarters to find out the extent of the demands of the soldiers, and to assure A fresh them that Parliament was ' in a way of settling the te S arm e y! peace of the kingdom.' The Common Council, Answer of too, drew up a temporising answer to the summons the City. f r om Royston, in which they repudiated any inten- tion of resisting the just demands of the soldiers, and requested the army to remain at a distance of at least thirty miles, on the ground that, by coming nearer, it would enhance the price of provisions in London. 1 This answer was to be conveyed to head-quarters by a deputation of citizens. Later in the morning news arrived that the army had left Royston and was marching southwards. At once the Presby- News that terian Militia Committee ordered the trained bands the army is to turn out on pain of death, and the shops to be marching. closed. 1 he Westminster regiment was the only one of rousing which appeared in strength. In the City regiments Clty ' the attendance was exceedingly thin. Some com- panies were represented by no more than ten men ; in others the officers found themselves alone. Drummers were sent round to summon the laggards to their duty, but their call to come in on pain of death met with no response except in the jeers of the boys in the streets. The personal intervention of the Presbyterian Lord Mayor Sir John Gayer was required to induce the tradesmen round the Exchange and Cornhill to close their shops. In every other part of the City men bought and sold as usual. After a while it was discovered that an army leaving Royston in the morning could hardly reach London in a single day. A strong force was kept on the lines of the fortification, but the remainder of the trained band were suffered to go home and the closed shops to be opened. 2 In the new Committee of Safety, on the other hand, on which the more fiery spirits of the Presbyterian party were fully represented, there was no drawing back. This committee 1 Rushw. vi. 557, 558. - Newsletter from London, June 13, Clarke Papers , i. 132. 1647 A POLITICAL PROGRAMME. 293 was now established at Guildhall, and busied in preparing lists of disbanded officers willing to serve the Parliament. 1 It is possible that even in the governing circles of Action of . ,. i , . the Com- the City umbrage was taken at the attempt to organise Safety. of the City defence under this purely Parliamentary committee. At all events, when on the i3th the Adeputa- deputation of the citizens, charged with the answer cheCity at to the army, reached St. Albans, where Fairfax had established his head-quarters, its members were soon on the best of terms with the soldiers. The Council of the Army thus found itself at leisure to reply to the request made by the latest Parliamentary commissioners 2 for a statement of the whole of the demands of the army. The result Tune 15. The was a paper styled The Declaration of the Army. Declara- . . ** tion of which was placed in the hands of the commissioners on the morning of the i5th. 3 It was the first deliberate attempt of the army to set forth a political pro- gramme. Passing lightly over the military grievances brought forward on previous occasions, the Declaration sought to establish the The i "S^t of tne army to speak in the name of the Eng- not merely lish people, on the ground that it was not ' a mere mercenary. . .. . . mercenary army, hired to serve any arbitrary power of a State, but called forth and conjured by the several declara- tions of Parliament to the defence of their own and the people's just rights and liberties.' 4 These declarations had pointed them ' to the equitable sense of all laws and constitutions as dis- pensing with the very letter of the same and being supreme to it, when the safety and preservation of all is concerned, and giving assurance that all authority is fundamentally seated in the office, and but ministerially in the persons.' In other words, 1 Order of the Committee of Safety, June 12, L.J. ix. 275. 2 See p. 292. 8 The Commissioners to Manchester, June 15, L.J. ix. 269. 1 This does not mean that all the soldiers were volunteers, but that in whatever way they had entered the army they had been brought into it on the ground of certain declarations of Parliament, and had fought for these, and not only for their pay. 294 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. the army argued that erring members of Parliament should be resisted as well as erring kings. To give effect to this doctrine the authors of the declaration went on to ask that The House the House should be purged of those members who to be purged, ^y corru pt; actions or abuse of their powers, or by any other delinquency, had made themselves unfit to retain their seats, as well as of those who had been unduly elected. To this was added a further demand that those who had de- famed the army might be incapacitated from doing further harm by exclusion from the power which they now possessed. So violent an interference with the existing basis of the Constitution naturally led to an inquiry into the best method Constitu ^ avertm S similar catastrophes in the future. The tionai Declaration, therefore, proceeded to refer to an argu- ment which might possibly be adduced in favour of placing authority in the hands of men ' approved at least for Shall moral righteousness,' and more especially of men rehgious actuated 'by a principle of conscience and reli- govem? gion.' J Yet, excellent as such an arrangement might appear, the conclusion reached was that there was great force in the objection that it was in any case undesirable to sanction ' absolute and arbitrary power settled for continuance in any persons whatsoever.' The old way was therefore the best. Let Parliaments be trusted still, yet without any superstitious belief that Parliaments Pariia would be always in the right. Even the dissolution ments to be of a corrupt and factious Parliament gave no security trusted, ,, but not that the next Parliament would not be still more cor- rupt and factious. All that could be done was to The dura- shorten the duration of Parliaments, so that the peo- De enabled ' if they have made an ill l be choice one time to mend it in another.' For the shortened. first time the modern political doctrine that the people themselves are the source of power, and that there is no appeal from their decision when expressed through Parlia- ments recently chosen, was publicly set forth in England. 1 This anticipates the ideas of those who summoned the so-called Barebones' Parliament. 1647 IRETON'S AIMS. 295 To give effect to these principles the soldiers laid down a series of definite requirements. The House of Commons was asked to fix a date for its own dissolution. A certain period was to be fixed for the duration of future Parliaments, which Proposed were not to be adjourned nor dissolved without their measures. Qwn CO nsent. The right of petitioning Parliament was to be clearly acknowledged. Offences were to be punished by law and not by Parliament. The powers of the county committees were to be restricted and the accounts of the nation published. After public justice had been satisfied by a few examples, and delinquents had been admitted to compound, there was to be a general act of oblivion. Finally, after repeat- ing their demand for toleration within the limitations set down in the Solemn Engagement, the authors of this remarkable State paper concluded by asking all men to judge whether the army sought anything for itself, or for any party in the nation, ' to the prejudice of the whole.' ] As the closing paragraphs of the Solemn Engagement bear unmistakably the impress of Cromwell's mind, The Declaration of the Army bears no less unmistakably the impress principal of Ireton's. Cromwell thought first of safeguarding religious liberty with the least possible injury to existing institutions. Ireton, while keeping before him the object of establishing religious liberty, was mainly inspired by a desire to remodel the institutions of the country in order to safeguard popular government from royal or Parliamentary usurpation. Cromwell cared little for constitutional forms, whilst Ireton thoroughly realised their importance. It was not speculative thought which brought Ireton to anticipate much of the political thought of the closing years of Ireton not the nineteenth century. That which weighed with an idealist. him was mam i v tne necessity of providing against the arbitrary power of a king whom no one might dethrone, His prac- and the arbitrary power of a Parliament which no ticaiaims. one m jght dissolve. There had to be found an arbitrator between the two, and no one who, like Ireton, had 1 Rushw. vi. 564. 296 THE MANIFESTOES OF THE ARMY. CH. L. imbibed the democratic spirit of the Independent congrega- tions was likely to select any other than the English people, because, though the nation itself might often be mistaken and careless, it alone was interested in coming to a right decision. Ireton seemed to have provided for everything, but there was one thing which he had not foreseen, the absolute refusal of the English people, for many a long year, to take up the high posi- tion which he had marked out for it. 297 CHAPTER LI. THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. THERE was little chance that the Houses would pay attention to a scheme so radical and so humiliating to themselves as that which Ireton had sketched out in the army's june 7 j' 4 . name. On June 14, whilst that scheme was still under discussion at St. Albans, the Lords asked the Commons to agree to a manifesto setting forth the ment lia benefits which Parliament had conferred and still intended to confer on the kingdom. In order to indicate that peace was included amongst the latter, it was proposed to fix upon a place to which the King should be brought with a view to the re-opening of negotiations. 1 The King Stapleton at once urged that Charles should be in- the C s^Tth v i te d to come to some place south of the river. As Thames every Independent firmly believed that his opponents aimed at securing peace by means of a Scottish in- inVSon* vasion, this proposal to remove Charles from the custody of the army was hotly contested. There was, wrote one of them, ' great talk of a design to bring the Scots in again, and that Lauderdale is gone with a letter from his Majesty for the Prince, who is to come in at the head of June 15. tnat army.' 2 On the i5th, however, both Houses SSe to l voted that Charles should be removed to Richmond, Richmond. w here he was to be guarded by a regiment which had been raised in Lincolnshire, and which formed no part of the New Model army. This regiment was the more fit to carry 1 c.J. v. 210. 2 Newsletter from London, June 14, Clarke Papers , i. 136. 298 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. LI. out the designs of the Parliament, as its commander, Rossiter, was himself a staunch Presbyterian. 1 On the following morning the Houses learnt, even more plainly than they had learnt before, that they could place no Tunei6 dependence on the City. The Common Council Attitude of would not hear of ' a new war.' Municipal jealousy came to the aid of the tradesmen's love of peace, and even the new Presbyterian Committee of the Militia de- clared against the levy of soldiers within the limits of the The Com- .City by the Parliamentary Committee of Safety, safety re- The Houses were driven to repudiate the action of pudiated. t heir own committee, 2 and also at the urgent request of the City to send a month's pay to Fairfax's army, lest its necessities should compel it to advance on London. 3 Later in the course of the same day The Declaration of the Army reached Westminster; and it was promptly followed The DC- D Y a charge made in the name of the army against C qftlu io * eleven members of the House of Commons : Holies, before the Stapleton, Lewis, Clotworthy, Waller, Maynard, House. Massey, Glyn, Long, Harley, and Nichols. The Charge eleven were accused of endeavouring to overthrow Seven the rights and liberties of the subjects ; of delaying iers ' and obstructing justice ; of misrepresenting the army in order to obtain the authority of Parliament for acts calcu- lated to irritate the army and thereby cause the failure of the proposed relief of Ireland ; of attempting to raise forces in order to throw the kingdom into another war ; and finally of encouraging the violence of the Reformadoes at Westminster. The army, in conclusion, alleged that in due time it would bring forward sufficient proof of these accusations. 4 An army is particularly ill- qualified to serve as a jury of 1 L.J. ix. 267 ; C.J. v. 210. 2 Act of the Common Council, June 1 5 ; Order of the Militia Com- mittee, July 1 6, L.J. ix. 274. 3 C.J. v. 214. 4 The heads of a charge, Rushw. vi. 570. Speculation had been rife as to the number of those to be accused. According to one statement it was thought that it would reach twenty-eight, namely ten members of the House of Commons, ten citizens, four peers, and four members of the 1647 THE PRESBYTERIANS ISOLATED. 299 presentment, and it might have been expected that a charge state of brought in such a fashion would have roused con- frfthe 8 siderable indignation in the country. So poorly, country. however, had the Presbyterians played their cards that, though four months before they had been generally regarded as the party of peace, they were now beginning to be regarded even in friendly quarters as the party of war. It is indeed undesirable to lay much stress on the petitions which now reached Westminster in defence of the proceedings of the soldiers. The signatures to them were probably not numerous, and it was alleged, probably with truth, that they were carefully prepared at head-quarters. The remarkable thing is that there was no counter-demonstration on the other The Pres- side. At a time when the Presbyterians should have without 18 na< ^ a na tion behind them, they had nothing but an support. intrigue with the King and the Scots. Charles, as might be expected, was most friendly in words, taking care to let his supporters know how well-disposed he was towards them, and to assure them that he passionately desired to be The King with his Parliament. On this the Houses took heart to Rich-" 1 f race > an d ordered Fairfax to send the King to mond. Richmond and to remove his army to a distance of forty miles from London. At the same time they gave Lauder- dale a pass to travel to Newmarket, doubtless with the intention that he should concert operations with Charles. 1 Whatever might be the ultimate decision of the authorities in Scotland, their power to intervene in England was greater than it had been when they marched out of New- affairs in castle. Before the end of March David Leslie, having overrun the whole of Huntly's country, left Middleton behind him to pursue the fugitive Marquis, and then made his way across the mountains to put an end to the ravages of Alaster Macdonald in the territory of the Campbells. In the middle of May Leslie was joined by Argyle, and their united forces bursting into Kintyre fell upon the redoubted chief who had accomplished marvels under the Assembly of Divines. Joachimi to the States General, June if, Add MSS. 17, 677, S. fol. 462. ' L.J. ix. 272, 273, 276. 300 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. LI. leadership of Montrose. Alone, Alaster Macdonald was unable to hold his own, and taking to his boats he sailed for Islay. His deserted followers surrendered at discretion. ^ ay ' Argyle, however, is said, though on doubtful evi- dence, to have urged Leslie to make short work with the enemies of the Campbells, and a minister, John Nevoy, who accompanied the army, persistently urged Leslie to put the Amalekites to the sword. To his pleading Leslie somewhat reluctantly yielded, and the whole number of the captives were slaughtered almost to a man. 1 "Now, Mr. John," Leslie is reported to have said to the minister, when the butchery was at an end, " have you not once gotten your fill of blood ? " 2 Two forts in Islay held out for a time, but Macdonald ulti- mately returned to Ireland, and the war in Scotland was practically at an end. By the beginning of June, therefore, Scotland had it in her power to send an invading army into England, and soon after Charles arrived at Newmarket he received from A Scottish Argyle and the dominant party 3 an offer of such an fedto army to be sent to his assistance. This offer, how- ever, Charles peremptorily declined. 4 He probably considered that a Scottish army coming to his help under the influence of Argyle would insist upon a complete surrender to the Presbyterians. A few days later, on June 19, Charles turned somewhat dubiously to the Presbyterians. 5 On that day Lauderdale had 1 Leslie to the Commissioners, March 27 ; April 8, Thurloe, i. 89, 90 ; Sir James Turner's Memoirs, 45, 47 ; Montreuil to Mazarin, June T 8 g , Arch, des Aff. trangeres, Ivi. fol. 145, 163. z Guthry's Memoirs, 128. As Sir James Turner was actually present on this occasion, I have preferred his authority to that of Guthry, but the saying attributed to Leslie by the latter is probable in itself. 3 Hamilton was at this time opposed to intervention. See Montreuil's despatches to Brienne for May and June, Carte MSS. vol. Ixxxiii. 4 Bellievre to Mazarin, July, A\0. Transcripts. That the army offered to dissolve Parliament is also stated on the Queen's authority, in a letter written at Rome on July T \ by Sir K. Digby to the Pope. Roman Transcripts, R. O. 5 It is possible that Charles had already heard of some proposals from I 1647 CHARLES AND THE ARMY. 301 an interview with him at Newmarket, and though Charles's e x answers appear to have been considered unsatisfac- Lauder- tory in point of religion, he showed his anxiety to dale's inter- . J view with be on good terms with the Presbyterians by express- ing, on the following day, his readiness to remove to ChiTes 20 ' Richmond. 1 Charles's decision would have been of tf Sfch 8 little moment unless Fairfax's approbation could be secured, but Fairfax, as well as the other officers in the army, were at this time anxious to conciliate him as far as possible. They had favourably received an application from t be allowed the society of the Duke of Rich- TH K* have his mond, Sir William Fleetwood, as well as that of two of his chaplains, Sheldon and Hammond ; 2 and Fairfax now instructed Whalley to attend him to Richmond, though he was not to allow him to find his way to London. 3 To the Houses Fairfax showed himself less compliant Not only did he refuse to obey their order to retire beyond the June 22 ra dius of forty miles from London, but he had rallied News from to his army six companies which had left him for service in Ireland. 4 Further north, Poyntz's soldiers Signs of i T i i .1 mutiny in Yorkshire, on whose services the majority was PovrrtK counting, had been giving ear to some Agitators sent to them from Fairfax's army, and now showed a disposition to mutiny. 5 the army. According to a paper in the Clarendon MSS. 2,532, eight heads were presented to the King, June 19. Another, in the Rawlinson MSS. D. 399, No. 33, gives nine, the additional one being ' That his Majesty will be pleased to consent to the dissolution of this Parliament, and that by August i new writs be issued out for the calling of a new.' These seem to be the same as those referred to by the Roman Newswriter. " E se il Re havesse voluto acconsentire al loro desiderio un mese fa, S. M. sarebbe stata reinte- grata nel suo trono." Newsletter, July T % Roman Transcripts, R.O. They were, however, denounced by the army on July I (Rushw. vi. 602), but they may have been some unauthorised draft which had got abroad. 1 Montagu to Manchester, June 20, L.J. ix. 283. - The King to Fairfax, June 17, Clarke Papers, i. 137. 3 Fairfax to Whalley, June 21 (?), Clarke Papers, i. 138. 4 Nottingham to Manchester, June 21, L.J. ix. 286. 5 Poyntz to Lenthall, undated, Gary's Mem. of the Civil War, i. 233. 302 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. LI. Powerless as it was, the House of Commons had no mind to submit. On the 2ist, indeed, it took into consideration The Declaration of the Army, and authorised an June 21. The Decia- inquiry into the alleged delinquency of some of its ration of the _ . . , , Arwycon- members. On the 23rd, on the other hand, it re- fused even to discuss the soldiers' demand that a date should be fixed for a dissolution, or that future 1 Parliaments should be limited in duration, and pro- rejected, tested against dissolution without their own consent. Its utmost concession was to express a readiness to consider the question of the right of petition. The army was then required to furnish proofs of the misconduct of the eleven members if it wished the promised investigation into their case to proceed. 1 In the army the irritation caused by these resolutions was intense. It was there firmly believed that the Houses were The army only seeking to gain time till an opportunity occurred irritated. f or usm g force. It was remarked that the men enlisted in the City by the Committee of Safety were still under arms, and that attempts had been made not entirely without success to encourage desertions from the army itself by the offer of a full payment of arrears. Whilst the danger from the Reformadoes of the City was still dreaded, there was another danger from the side of Worcester, where was collected a considerable body of those soldiers who had volunteered for Ireland, and were now, as was believed at St. Albans, prepared to act against their old comrades. It was possible also that Poyntz's army farther north might be won over to the side of Parliament by a recent order to send down io,ooo/. in payment of its arrears. 2 The suspicions of the soldiers did not outrun the facts. According to the plan adopted in the councils of the Presby- Presb terians, the forces at York and Worcester were to terian de- combine with those now gathering in London which were formed, not, as had been the case earlier in the month, of mere citizen soldiers, but of men who had known the stress of actual war and were to fall upon Fairfax and 1 C.J. v. 208, 221. 2 ibid. v. 219. 1647 THE ARMY RESOLUTE. 303 rescue the King from his grasp. 1 Moreover, the negotiation for transferring the Prince of Wales to Scotland was still on foot. 2 The danger was, perhaps, not quite as great as the Inde- pendents imagined, as the forces on which the Presbyterians The Presb cou ^ count were far from being in complete agree- terian forces ment. and were widely scattered ; whereas the army scattered. ' . , / ' < was of one mind, and was gathered in one place. Its leaders now spoke plainly out. In a new and lengthy remon- strance presented to the Parliamentary Commissioners on June 23, the Army Council declared that it would have been ready A new re- to see the impeachment of the eleven members from the 106 postponed if their continuance in authority did not army, increase the risk of a new war. Until they were deprived of the means of doing harm that danger would never be at an end. It was therefore necessary to insist on the sus- pension of the eleven members from sitting in the House, the expulsion of the Reformadoes from London, the disbandment of the soldiers recently enlisted, and the postponement of the King's removal to Richmond. 3 The Lords were the first to yield. 4 On the 24th they voted that the King, who was now with the army at St. Albans, should be requested to draw back to Royston or Newmarket, 1 Bellievre, who was deep in the secrets of the Presbyterians, states that if the King is not allowed to go to Richmond, * 1'armee que com- mande au Nord le General Poyntz, assistee des levees que Ton tient prestes dans les provinces, aussy bien que dans ceste ville, marcheroit contre celle de Fairfax.' Bellievre to Mazarin, -J^, R.O. Transcripts. 2 "Les Independents qui croyent S9avoir les affaires tiennent pour constant que les Presbyteriens ont un traite avec la Royne de la Grande Bretagne, en suite duquel elle et le Prince de Galles doivent sortir de France au premier jour," -J^li Ibid. Though this is merely put as a belief of the Independents, Bellievre does not express any doubt of its correctness. As far as the Prince is concerned there is no doubt that Dunfermline had gone to invite him to Scotland (see p. 278). Compare a Letter of Intelligence of June 21, in the Clarendon MSS. 2,534. 3 A Humble Remonstrance, June 23, Rushw. vi. 585. 4 Bellievre complains bitterly of their weakness. Bellievre to Mazarin, -' Transcripts. 304 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. LI. and the Commons had nothing for it but to give their assent. The Common Council, too, being in a yielding mood, asked leave of the Commons to send a deputation to The Houses Fairfax to keep him in good humour with the City, and supporting the demands of the army for the expulsion of the Reformadoes, and the disbandment of the new levies. Before the House broke up a fresh message arrived from St. Albans, reiterating the demand for the sus- pension of the eleven members. 1 To give point to its message, the army on the 25th shifted its head-quarters to Uxbridge, where, as its posts were June 25. scattered over a line reaching from Staines to Wat- SmoveTto f r d, 2 it was admirably placed for the purpose of Uxbridge. cutting off supplies from London. Special care was taken to keep Charles in the power of the army. Rossiter, who had been appointed by the Houses to take charge of the King's person, was now directed by Fairfax to march together with his regiment to head-quarters. 3 For a time the Houses persuaded themselves that it was possible to stand firm. On the 25th, whilst the army was still on the march towards Uxbridge, the Commons de- i he Com- mons refuse clared ' that it doth not appear that anything hath the eleven been said or done within this House by any of the members in question, touching any matters con- tained in the papers sent from the army, for which this House June 26. can m justice suspend them.' 4 The next morning of tfofeteven brought from the army letters so menacing in their members. tone that the eleven members themselves found their position untenable. At their own request they received leave of absence and withdrew from the House. 5 No one at the present day would be inclined to deny that military intervention to redress the balance of Parliamentary 1 C.J. v. 222. Fairfax and the Council of War to the Commissioners at St. Albans, June 24, Gary's Mem. of the Civil War, i. 255. 2 Perfect Occurrences, E. 515, 24. Montague to Manchester, June 25 ; Nottingham to Manchester, June 25, LJ. ix. 296. < CJ. v. 223. s Idem, v. 225. 1 647 MILITARY INTERVENTION. 305 parties is an enormous evil. What can be said on behalf of the army is that the country was passing through a Undisguised ...... . - - / * military crisis in which the toundations of government had become unsettled ; and that the existing Parliament was an oligarchy protected by statute against dissolution. The injustice with which the material grievances of the soldiers had been met by Parliament was no doubt the main cause which banded the army against the Presbv- The knot .....,, J cut, not dis- tcrian leaders, but it is impossible to leave out of sight the fact that the best men in the army were convinced that in coming to an understanding with the Scot- tish commissioners, and in agreeing to accept from the King terms which would have left everything in a condition of un- certainty, the Presbyterians were as blind to the true interests of the State as they were to the fairness of the original demands of the soldiery. It had been Ireton's opinion, embodied in the great remonstrance of the army, that if the nation deliberately chose a Parliament which worked evil, it was the duty of all men to submit in the hope that the nation would change its mind at the next election. The power held by the Presbyterians was exempt from' the chances of an elec- tion, and the army, having the sword in its hands, cut the knot in a rough and ready way. How, having once employed force, the army could step back into the domain of legality was a question not easy to answer, and it would become still more difficult as time went on, bringing temptations to solve fresh difficulties in the same way as it had solved its difficulties now. Even before the withdrawal of its members, the House of Commons had shown its consciousness of weakness by asking A question the army to signify what were the least concessions to the army. w hi cn would be deemed satisfactory. 1 On the 28th The U arm 8; s ^ answer f tne army was received. Parliament demands. must discourage the desertions which it had before invited, must pay the soldiers who were constant to their duty as much as had been offered to the deserters, must send the Reformadoes out of London, must abandon all warlike pre- parations and all invitations to armies from Scotland or the 1 C.J. v. 224. VOL. III. X 306 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. LI. Continent, must pay the army till a settlement of the kingdom was reached, and must consent not to bring the King nearer London than the place where the quarters of the army might be at any given time. If these requests were granted the army would retire to Reading. As for the eleven members, the proceedings against them might be postponed till the business of the kingdom had received its due attention. In other words, there was no disposition to bring them to punishment now that they had ceased to be dangerous. 1 Whilst the army was engaged in its dispute with the Houses, it had taken care to facilitate a future good under- The Kin 's stancn ng w i tn tne Km g ^Y granting his reasonable treatment, requests. On June 25 he was allowed to receive a June 25. visit from the ever-faithful Duke of Richmond, and b y e Rkh- lt his chaplains, Sheldon and Hammond, reached him his n cha a p dby at the same time. 2 A letter from Cromwell and lams, Hewson instructed Whalley, who was still in com- mand of the guard placed over the King, that, in the event of the Parliamentary commissioners directing him to dismiss the chaplains, he was to refuse to obey their orders. 3 On Sunday, June 27, Charles, who had by that time removed to wh U officiate Hatfield, for the first time since he left Oxford, more than a year before, joined in divine service conducted in accordance with the Prayer Book of the English Church. 4 In spite of the withdrawal of the eleven members, the June 28. Houses were still controlled by a Presbyterian ma- orckrthe 5 " jority, and, on the 28th, flaming up in indignation, R ! ?chiiK>nd 0f tne y sent or ders to their commissioners to drive and the Richmond and the two chaplains from the King's chaplains, and the re- presence. 5 The next day they voted that Charles moval of the ^ J J King. should return to Holmby, hoping in this way to re- move him from the influence of the army. 6 These, however, 1 Nottingham and Wharton to Manchester, June 27, L.J. ix. 299. Certain Independent articles said to have been presented by the army to the King (MS. E. 393, II) were no doubt forged. See Rushw. vi. 602. 2 See p. 301. 3 Cromwell and Hewson to Whalley, June 25, Clarke Papers, i. 140. 4 Letter of Intelligence, June 28, Clarendon MSS. 2,538. * L.J. ix. 302. 6 Idem, ix 304. 1 647 THE KING AT WINDSOR. 307 were but counsels of despair, and on the 3oth, the day of the monthly fast, the preacher who addressed the Commons gave vent somewhat profanely to what was doubtless the A poacher's general feeling. " If the wheels turn thus," he said, " I know not whether Jesus Christ or Sir Thomas Fairfax be the better driver." l The Houses were soon brought to a sense of their impo- tence. They learnt that Whalley had opposed a passive The Houses resistance to their orders for the dismissal of Rich- poweriess. mond and the chaplains, and, what was still worse, that even the King had given way before the seductions of the army. He had made up his mind, he said, when he was told of the vote for his return to Holmby, to go to Windsor and to July i. Windsor he would go. On this the Commons iabs^m- summoned Sheldon and Hammond to their bar, monedtothe to answer for having used the Book of Common Commons bar. Prayer 'with divers superstitious gestures contrary to the Directory as prescribed by ordinance of Parliament.' 2 The chaplains, however, as well as the King, were already at Windsor, and when the messengers arrived to carry out the orders of the House the soldiers took good care that neither Sheldon nor Hammond should be found. 3 With all their desire to take Charles's actions in good part, the soldiers could hardly feel satisfied with his bearing. He Charles at talked as if he could summon both Parliament and Windsor. army before him to accept their judgment at his hands. " Sir," said Ireton in reply to some such language, " you have an intention to be the arbitrator between the Par- liament and us ; and we mean to be it between your Majesty and the Parliament." 4 On July 3, Parliament having assented to some at least of the demands of the army, head-quarters were removed to Reading, whilst the King was established at Lord Craven's 1 Newsletter from London, July 3, Clarke Papers , i. 150. - L.J. ix. 305, 307. 3 Id. ix. 313 ; Letter of Intelligence, July 5, Clarendon MSS. 2,547. 4 Sir J. Berkeley's Memoirs , 15. X 2 3 o8 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. LI. house at Caversham on the opposite bank of the Thames. On the 4th Charles had an interview with Cromwell, Head 7 ' and it was observed that they both appeared well Removed to satisfied with the result. The leading personages Sid a the gl of the army openly expressed their belief that an Cavfrsham. understanding with the King would be arrived at , j in a fortnight, and with Parliament even sooner, Charles's a body of commissioners having been already ap- interview , -. . -11 with pointed to represent the army in discussing with the Parliamentary commissioners the terms of a definite settlement. 1 Though it is untrue that Fairfax allowed himself to be a mere puppet in Cromwell's hands, he undoubtedly allowed his energetic Lieutenant- General to take the lead in the negotiation which was now opened. 2 Fairfax, like Cromwell, whilst deeply sympathising with his soldiers in their grievances, had been anxious to cling as long as possible to Parliamentary supremacy as the surest means of averting military anarchy or military despotism. Fairfax, like Cromwell, had seen in the attempt of the Presbyterian leaders to raise ' a new war ' in England, the point at which patience must end, and it may fairly be concluded that they both hoped to find in the authority of the King that basis of a reasonable constitutional settlement which they had failed to obtain from Parliament. It is true that Charles had hitherto proved impracticable, but those who were now about to negotiate with him can hardly be blamed if they believed the source of the mischief to be not in Charles's own character, but in the unreasonable demands of their rivals. That their own 1 Letter of Intelligence, July 4, Clarendon MSS. 2,544; Joachimi to the States General, July T 9 S , Add. MSS. 17,677, S, fol. 471 ; Clarke Papers, i. 148. 2 In his article on Fairfax in the Diet, of Nat. Biography ', Mr. Firth has shown that Fairfax's statement in The Short Memorial, that he was obliged to sign papers which he disliked, cannot be literally true, as the State-papers of the army were signed by Rushworth and not by Fairfax. Still weightier evidence of Fairfax's general concurrence in the proceedings of the army is to be found in Rushworth's letters printed in the Fairfax Correspondence, Bell's Memorials of the Civil War, i. 343-371. 1 647 A ROYALIST PARODY. 309 demands would appear to him no less unreasonable was hardly likely to occur to them. The chance of gaining the good-will of the King was not to be lightly thrown away. That Charles was still a force in the kingdom had been recently shown by the popu- Importance , . J J of gaining lar welcome accorded to him in his progress to Holmby in February, and in his progress to New- market in June. After his removal from Holmby pamphlets Royalist undisguisedly Royalist in tone were, for the first pamphlets. time since the b eg mm ng of the Civil War, openly sold in London. A Welsh judge named Jenkins boldly judge asserted that the rule of the law was inseparable Jenkins. f rom ^ m ] e Q f t } ie King, and though Parliament cast him into prison, his arguments were greedily devoured. The instinctive feeling which causes every community to shrink from throwing all its ancient institutions into the melting-pot made for the restoration of the monarchy, and this feeling was now reinforced by a sentiment of pity for a captive King, whose patience under personal hardships made more impression on the world than the untrustworthiness of his engagements. To all this tide of pity swelling into indignation a voice was given by a parody of George Herbert's Sacrifice, which struck the keynote of thousands of subsequent in- June 25. J A parody on flammatory appeals to the popular temper. It Hubert's audaciously compared the sufferings of Charles with the sufferings of Jesus. Yet, blasphemous as the comparison was, few could listen unmoved to such lines as these, halting as they were : " I have been trucked and bought and sold, yet I Am king (though prisoner) ; pray tell me why I am removed now from Holdenby : Never was grief like mine. " To Newmarket now I am by your army led ; They'll sell me better than your brethren did, Else seek to make me shorter by the head : Never was grief like mine. 310 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. LI. " For my wronged kingdom's sake, my very grief Doth break my heart. Until I find relief I'll sue to heaven mercy from God, my chief : Never was grief like mine. " Causeless they like a bird have chased me ; Behold, O Lord, look down from heaven and see, Thou that hearest prisoners' prayers, hear me ! Never was grief like mine." * The idea of attempting to come to terms with the King had been familiar to Cromwell ever since the fall of for an under- Bristol. He may well have thought that by scrupu- standmg . . _, . , . with the lously respecting Charles s conscience, he might succeed where the Presbyterians had failed. In pleading, as he would certainly do, for liberty of con- science, Cromwell would not be without the support of some of Charles's most attached followers. Persecution Growth of the idea of had called forth amongst his clerical adherents a toleration . . amongst the growing attachment to the principle of toleration, which had found expression in the recommendations of the Oxford clergy at the time of the Treaty of Uxbridge. 2 The principle which was then enunciated in brief and dry Tune 28 propositions was now set forth at length in a sus- ta * ne ^ argument by the most eloquent of the of y. Caroline divines, who on June 28, 3 a few days before the negotiation between Charles and the army was opened, sent forth to the world The Liberty of Prophesying. The author of the work, Jeremy Taylor, had been in his Jeremy youth in high favour with Laud, and had zealously adopted his principles. He had recently been between ison reduced to poverty by the events of the Civil War, Ch5iing* nd but his misfortun es had only served to mellow his worth. sweet and harmonious temper. Though Taylor was distinctly more emotional and less severely logical than the 1 His Majesty's Complaint, E. 393, 38. Thomason's date of publica- tion is June 25. 2 See vol I2 ^ 3 This is Thomason's date of the publication of the first edition, E. 395' 2 * 1647 'THE LIBERTY OF PROPHESYING? 311 author of The Religion of Protestants, three-fourths of his argument were written under the influence of Chillingworth's great work. Taylor condemns intolerance as uncharitable rather than as unreasonable, but his leading idea is much the same as that of the elder writer, that of a Church in which everyone is allowed to profess his own opinion as long as it does not affect the bases of religion and morality, though he is not without hope that even in minor matters, free and charitable discussion will ultimately lead to substantial agreement. It was, however, impossible for Taylor to leave the matter here. Since The Religion of Protestants had appeared, the Separatist claims had been pushed more fully home, 1 aylor s own contribution and arguments which, like those of Chillingworth, tk>n co'ntro*" had been originally directed against the Church of Rome, and which therefore laid special stress on the importance of giving free scope to intellectual divergences, could not be expected to satisfy men who claimed full liberty of sectarian worship. In face of an attack from a new quarter must of necessity come a change in the defence. With Milton's belief in the positive advantages of sectarianism Taylor had no sympathy whatever. Instead of rejoicing in the assistance which it gave in the development of strong characters, and in fostering salutary ideas which were in danger of neglect, he fixed his eyes on its uglier aspect, its tendency to exaggerate differences of opinion, to encourage intellectual narrowness, and to extinguish the fire of charity. So much the more praiseworthy is it in Taylor that he recognises that these evils are not to be combated by force, and * that matters spiritual should not be restrained by punishments corporal.' J Yet even Taylor, advanced as he was, does not, any more than Cromwell, uphold that standard of perfectly unlimited . toleration which had been raised by Roger Williams. Limits to his . . approval of " But then," he argues, "because toleration of opi- nions is not properly a question of religion, it may be a question of policy, and although a man may be a good Christian, though he believe an error not fundamental, and not 1 Liberty of Prophesying, 16. 312 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. LI. directly or evidently impious ; yet his opinion may accidentally disturb the public peace, through the over-activeness of the persons and the confidence of their belief, and the appearance of their appendent necessity ; and therefore toleration of differ- ing persuasions in these cases is to be considered upon political grounds, and is just so to be admitted or denied as the opinions or toleration of them may consist with the public and necessary ends of government." l Taylor indeed was careful not to give a handle to those who would use his admission to establish a right of constant interference. " As," he proceeded, " Christian Princes must look to the interests of their government, so especially must they consider the interests of Christianity, and not call every redargution or modest discovery of an established error by the name of disturbance of the peace." Yet for all his warnings it was probable that those who had power in their hands would fix the limits of State interference in accordance with their fears. Only those governments which have a sense of their own security will grant liberty of association as well as liberty of Want of a opinion, and it was the want of this sense of security sense o i- ^{^ ma( j e complete toleration impossible in the Charles dis- crisis through which the nation was passing. Charles, i p ay r ior? f i1: is said ' ex P ressed his dissatisfaction with Taylor's argument, argument,' 2 and though his own mind was constitu- tionally hostile to the very notion of toleration, some of his dislike of the reasoning by which it was supported may fairly be attributed to his knowledge that those who had been most hostile to his religious belief had also been most hostile to his method of government. It was not Charles alone who hesitated to abandon control over opinions which might shake the foundations of the State, intolerance ^P to ^ s time, at leas', Parliament had shown no ofpariia- indication of a desire to tolerate religious opinions similar to those which were professed by Taylor. It had hunted out from the parishes every clergyman who opposed the Puritan teaching, and early in the war it had hunted them 1 Liberty of Prophesying^ 16. 2 Warwick's Memoirs (ed. 1702), 301. 1 647 OXFORD AND ITS VISITORS. 313 out from the University of Cambridge. If England was to he kept steady to the Puritan cause, her religious teachers must be Puritan, and that which had been done in Cambridge must be done in Oxford as well. Yet for nearly a year after the capitulation of Oxford the University had been left to recover itself as best it might from 1646-1647. tne distractions of the evil days when the colleges Jt h y e oYox- er ' nac * b een crowded with soldiers and courtiers, and fordafterthe w hen the few scholars who remained thought more ca.pitula.tion. of the drill-sergeant than of their books. The time May 7 i. of Parliament was fully occupied with other matters, for itTvisfta- and it was not till May i, 1647, tnat an Ordinance was issued appointing twenty-four persons to visit and reform the University in which the principles instilled into it by Laud were completely predominant, though a Puritan minority was still to be found in the Colleges. 1 The chairman SirNatha- of the visiting commissioners was Sir Nathaniel niei Brent. Brent, Warden of Merton, who after conducting, as Laud's Vicar-General, the Archbishop's Metropolitical Visita- tion, had changed his principles with the change of times, and now stood forward to destroy what he had once built up, and to build up what he had once destroyed. Those of his Francis colleagues who interested themselves personally in Cheyneii. fas v i s it a ti on W ere mostly Presbyterian clergymen, C fToTds te< nd amon S st whom Francis Cheyneii, the fanatical an- Commons. tagonist of Chillingworth, 2 was perhaps the most conspicuous. The Visitors were to act under the direction of a large committee of Lords and Commons, of which Francis Rous, a Puritan of the Puritans, was the chairman. Before long the Visitors gave notice to the University to A da fi ed meet t * iem in ^ e Convocation House, between the for the vS- hours of nine and eleven on June 4, probably ex- pecting that the Vice-Chancellor and the Convocation would make no difficulty in submitting to their authority. 1 The story of this visitation is told in a spirit hostile to the Visitors in Wood's Annals^ and has been retold with admirable impartiality by Professor Burrows in his introduction to The Visitors' Register (Camd. Soc.). 2 See vol. i. 282. ance. 314 THE ELEVEN MEMBERS. CH. LI. They little knew the temper which prevailed at Oxford. A Convocation, held on June i, resolved to hold out against the Visitors to the uttermost. A delegacy was ap- The Univer- pointed to guard the interests of the University, and sity declares .. .... . . J for resist- SL statement of reasons in defence of the course adopted was accepted with unanimity. This statement, afterwards known as The Judgment of the University University of Oxford, had been drawn up by Robert Sanderson, and it argumentatively condemned the Covenant, the Negative Oath, and the Ordinances for Church discipline and worship. Its importance lay in the firmness with which it connected the monarchical system in the State with the eccle- siastical system which had, before the late convulsions, pre- vailed in the Church of England. 1 Before the day fixed for the meeting of Convocation to receive the Puritan intruders, events took place which delayed Disturb their arrival. On the ist Joyce passed through Oxford ances in on his way to Holmby, and on the next day there was a fight in the High Street over the treasure which had been sent for the soldiers' pay. 2 Accordingly the Visitors, June 4 . fearing to trust themselves amongst a mutinous gar- oVthT 1 rison, delayed their arrival in Oxford till the morning visitors. O f the 4th. They proceeded to St. Mary's, where one of the number preached at so inordinate a length, that before they could reach the Convocation House the last stroke of eleven had sounded. The time mentioned in their summons having thus elapsed, the Vice- Chancellor, Dr. Samuel Fell, Dean of Christchurch, dissolved the House in literal obedience to their orders. As the throng poured out the two processions . met face to face. "Room for Mr. Vice-Chancellor !" visitation shouted the Bedell, and the Visitors, as was long remembered with glee in the University, shrank aside to allow those very men whose conduct they had come to arraign to pass in triumph. " Good morrow, gentlemen ! " said Fell, with polite sarcasm, as he swept by, "'tis past eleven o'clock." 1 Judicium Universitatis Oxoniensis. - See p. 268. 1 647 A REBUFF TO THE VISITORS. 315 In face of a determined opposition the Visitors were left without Parliamentary support. The day on which they were juiy-Aug. baffled by Fell was that on which the King was to^^port remove d from Holmby, and for nearly three months withheld. nothing was done at Westminster to enable them to resist the successful efforts of the University authorities to obstruct their proceedings. It is most improbable that the neglect of the Houses to supply their Visitors with additional powers was purely accidental, and it can hardly be wrong to trace the cause of it to the growing influence of the army, and to the hope which the military leaders entertained of settling the institutions of Church and State on some basis which would not involve the complete submission of either religious party. They knew that the task they had undertaken was difficult, but how difficult it was they could not know. They had not merely to draw up a constitutional scheme which both King and Par- liament could accept, they had to introduce the spirit of com- promise into the hearts of King and Parliament alike, and that spirit was not likely to be found in men who were still angrily battling for their rights. It needed a complete victory on one side or the other to give that sense of established strength to the conquerors which would alone permit them to concede freedom to the vanquished. CHAPTER LII. THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. ON July 6, when Charles was first settled at Caversham, Bel- lievre, naturally anxious to contribute to his restoration, set out l647- to learn his intentions and those of the army. On "' the 8th ne nad a lon S conference with Charles. On conferences, fo e yfa he received a visit from Fairfax and Crom- well, and saw the King again on the loth. On the nth he returned the visits of the officers, going back to London on the following day. 1 It was doubtless on this occasion His conver- sationwith that Bellievre, apparently after sounding Cromwell as to his ambitious aims, received the memorable reply : " No one rises so high as he who knows not whither he is going." 2 In these words Cromwell revealed the secret of his life, the refusal to adopt any definitely premeditated plan of action, and the resolution to treat each occurrence as it arose in the light vouchsafed to him when the need of action was felt. To Bellievre, Fairfax and Cromwell gave assurances that they were not only in favour of a restricted toleration for Pro- Offers of testants, but were even ready to tolerate the Roman toleration. Catholic worship, no doubt though our informant in writing to Rome does no more than state the bare fact 1 Newsletter, July s, Roman Transcripts, R. 0. 2 De Retz (Memoires, ed. 1859, iii. 242), who heard this from Bellievre, characteristically added that he then knew Cromwell to have been a fool. No date is given to the story, but this is by far the most likely time for the occurrence to have taken place. Bellievre's despatches only mention one other possible meeting with Cromwell. At all events, it cannot have taken place earlier than July 9, or later than October in this year when Bellievre left England. 1 647 BERKELEY SENT FOR. 317 under conditions of privacy such as had been agreed upon in former engagements by James and Charles. 1 If Bellievre was somewhat puzzled as to the sincerity of those who showed such unexpected liberality, 2 he was staggered at the apparent hopelessness of fixing the King to judgment of any decided policy. In his correspondence with Mazarin, he remarked that Charles might have had the English army on his side if he had frankly accepted its proposal ; and that he might have had the Scottish army on his side if he had only allowed it to act. 3 No word spoken by Charles reveals his inherent incapacity for under- about standing the characters and feelings of the men with whom he was dealing more than his request that Bellievre should convey to Parliament his wish that Ormond and Digby should retain their authority in Ireland till he had come to terms with the army. 4 Neither Fairfax nor Cromwell had as yet had experience of Charles's peculiar qualities as a negotiator, but they felt their , need of an intermediary, who had more of the Kind's Fairfax and J Cromwell confidence than they could possibly gain, and their si" John thoughts fell on Sir John' Berkeley, who had been eley> governor of Exeter in the war time, and had honour ably stood aloof from the misdeeds of the Gorings and the Grenvilles by whom the name of Royalist had been disgraced in the west. Cromwell no doubt remembered that when Exeter surrendered, Berkeley had expressed to Lambert an opinion that the Independents were better qualified than the Presbyterians to restore ' both King and people to already their just and ancient rights.' Singularly enough Berkeley had already, before Cromwell's communi- cation could reach him, been despatched by the Queen to 1 Bellievre on his return told the writer of the Newsletters sent to Rome to assure his Holiness ' che quanto al punto della nostra religione, i capi dell' armata li hanno dato parola che consentiranno al libero esser- citio di quella per tutti li stati.' Newsletter, July i|5, Roman Transcripts, A\0. * Ibid. 3 Bellievre to Mazarin, July if, if, |, R. 0. Transcripts. 4 Newsletter, -?, Ibid. 318 THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. CH. LII. England to ascertain the real intentions of the army towards her husband. 1 Thus doubly qualified for the part of mediator, Berkeley arrived in England. In the second week in July he was at the head- quarters at Reading, where Cromwell promptly Berkefey 2 a t assured him that the army wished for no more * than to have leave to live as subjects ought to do and to preserve their consciences,' and more than this, 'that they thought no man could enjoy their estates quietly without the King had his rights.' On the following day Berke- Berkeiey's l ev saw Charles, who, much to his surprise, told him wi?h view ^ at ke distrusted the whole army, with the single Charles. exception of Major Huntington, an officer who had lately been deep in Cromwell's confidence. The reason given by Charles for his distrust of all the other officers was that they had been backward in asking him for personal favours. 2 The whole secret of the failure of the negotiations on which Crom- well was about to enter is written in these words. In vain Berkeley urged Charles to keep on good terms with the officers, if only with the object of discovering their inten- Berkdey's tions. Charles would have none of his advice, and advice. Berkeley, modestly attributing this rebuff to his own insufficiency, expressed a hope that Ashburnham, who, as he knew, was soon to follow in his footsteps, might succeed better than himself. 3 Meanwhile Berkeley was engaged in probing the reality of Cromwell's friendliness. From all that he heard he came to Berkeley the conclusion that both Cromwell and Ireton were of"he nced genuinely desirous of coming to an agreement with CromSd?' l ^ e King, and that even those of the Agitators intentions, who distrusted Cromwell professed their willingness to support him as long as he was honestly striving to lay the foundations of a peaceful settlement. 4 1 Berkeley's Memoirs, 3-10. These have, as is well known, been in- corporated in Ludlow's Memoirs, which are, therefore, not to be quoted in these matters as an original authority. 2 Idem, 16. 3 Idem, 17. 4 Idem, 24. 1647 CHARLES MEETS HIS CHILDREN. 319 Nothing, in fact, which the army could do to create a favourable impression in Charles's mind was left undone. He had been already allowed to avail himself of the ministrations July 15. of his chaplains, and, on July 15, the insistency of seeThis Fairfax wrung from the reluctant Houses an order children. permitting him to receive a visit from those of his children who were still in the custody of Parliament, James, Elizabeth, and Henry. According to the terms of the permis- sion given, Charles was to have the children with him at Caver- sham for two days. He rode over to Maidenhead to meet them on their way. Cromwell, who was himself a witnesses the father, afterwards recounted to Berkeley, with tears flowing from his eyes, the particulars of the affecting scene of which he had been a witness. His estimate of Charles as a politician was, for the time at least, raised by the sight of his tenderness as a father. The king, he assured and speaks i i -, highly of Berkeley, was the upnghtest and most conscientious man of his three kingdoms.' The Independents, added Cromwell, were under infinite obligations to him for having rejected * the Scots' propositions at Newcastle, which his Majesty's interest seemed to invite him to.' Cromwell had thus singled out the higher side of Charles's character, his adherence to his convictions even when they Hisjudg- came into collision with his interests. Yet he was cSies's not blind to his weakness. He wished, he said, character. tnat fa e King would be ' more frank,' and it was to be regretted that he had tied himself 'so strictly to narrow Heho maxims.' Cromwell then proceeded to express a that the hope that Ireton, upon whom had fallen the duty of terms offered , i i i a- j i will soon preparing the terms which were to be offered to the ady ' King in the name of the army, would be as con- ciliatory as possible, and that no time would be lost, lest the army should change its mind and let slip the chance of an accommodation. ] In revealing these conversations Berkeley unconsciously gives the key to the charge of hypocrisy which was already 1 Berkeley's Memoirs, 26. 320 THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. CH. LII. coiling round Cromwell. One of the Agitators assured Berkeley that ' Cromwell resolved to prosecute his ambitious ends through all means whatsoever, and did not only hypocrisy dissemble, but really change his way to those ends ; Cromwell, and when he thought the Parliament would make Opinion of his fortune, resigned himself totally to them, even an Agitator. to the Disbanding of the army, before it was paid. 1 When the Presbyterians prevailed, he took the Covenant. When he quitted the Parliament, his chief dependence was on the army, which he endeavoured by all means to keep in unity, and if he could not bring it to his sense, rather than suffer any division, went over himself and carried his friends with him into that very way the army did choose, and that faster than any in it.' 2 The charge brought against Cromwell by the Presbyterians was precisely the same. " Did not Cromwell," asks one of them in an appeal to the army, " your great rine- Opmion of a . i i T i Presby- leader into disobedience, solemnly protest and promise upon his life and honour, many times and oft in the House of Commons, that the army should disband and lay down their arms at their door whenever the House demanded them ? Now, whether your papers agree with his promise the world will witness. It seems he can take that liberty of conscience with the Papists to promote the Catholic cause ... by right means or wrong, by truth or falsehood. This palpable breach of Cromwell's engagement makes all indifferent men believe that this promise of obedience was only made that your purpose of disobedience might be the less suspected, and the practice of it the more easily promoted. Is not this like the practice of Garnet the Jesuit, who . . . did lay his commands on the Papists to obey their king and keep themselves quiet ; and all was that the plot might not be sus pected ? If Cromwell follow Garnet's steps, I would have him take heed of Garnet's end." 3 1 Another piece of incidental evidence against the theory that Crom- well had been working underhand with the Agitators in April and May. 2 Berkeley's Memoirs^ 25. 3 Works of Darkness brought to Light, E. 399, 36. Thomason's date 1647 CROMWELL'S RETICENCE. 321 There is nothing surprising in the readiness of men, on the evidence before them, to come to the conclusion that Cromwell, in the sudden change of front which he had undoubtedly made, had been actuated simply by regard to his personal interests. The only way in which he could meet the charge was to tell the whole truth, and to explain publicly the effect which his discovery of the Presbyterians' intrigue with the Scots had had on his course of action. It was the very last thing that Cromwell was likely to do. " If," he said a few days later of an officer's complaint that libels had been printed against the army, " upon his apprehensions, or any man's else, we shall quarrel with every dog in the street that barks at us, and suffer the kingdom to be lost with such a fantastical thing ! " l It is possible, too, that on this occasion Cromwell's silence is to some extent accounted for by a reluctance to irritate the Scots and the French by revealing their intrigues. It was not merely on the forces which the eleven members had attempted to raise in London that Cromwell and his associates kept a watchful eye in the first week of Danger from J Poyntz. July. They had then strong reason to believe that Deter- Poyntz was prepared to place the army of the to'remove Northern Association at the disposal of the Scottish invaders, and it was certain that he was himself strongly hostile to their own proceedings. 2 His soldiers, how- ever, were still dissatisfied, as, although the Houses had voted io,ooo/. in payment of their arrears, 3 the money had never been sent. Emissaries from Fairfax's army were again busy amongst them, and on July 3 Poyntz wrote that his FoyntL 3 ' men were following the example of the main army by choosing Agitators, and were clamouring to be incorporated with it, in the hope that they would thereby receive their pay more punctually. 4 On the 5th the soldiers of publication is July 23. The writer's capacity as a judge of Cromwell's character may be gathered from the fact that he charges him with ' las- civiousness.' l Clarke Papers, i. 205. 2 Articles against Poyntz, ibid. i. 167. 3 See p. 302. 4 Poyntz to Lenthall, July 3, Gary's Memorials of the Civil War> i. 282. VOL. III. Y 322 THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. CH. LII. held a meeting at Pontefract, at which they addressed a mes- sage to Fairfax, begging him to mediate with Parliament on Jul their behalf. 1 On the 8th the troops quartered at A meeting at York broke into mutiny, dragged Poyntz out of his Pontefract. , i lodgings without giving him time to put on his boots, Poyntz 8 ' set him on horseback, and carried him off to Pon- tefract. 2 From Pontefract he was sent to Reading, 3 Reading. an( j th ou gh Fairfax liberated him almost as soon as he arrived, 4 he had no longer an army at his command, and he therefore ceased to be dangerous. The news of Poyntz's capture was the more welcome at Reading as the army was still anxious about the course of events in London. The eleven members had Attitude of , , , , . . . the eleven objected to allow the charges brought against them to be suspended over their heads till a settlement of public affairs had been reached, 5 and had called for an imme- j u i y6 . diate trial. Accordingly on July 6 the accusation agaiSt 8 against them was presented to the House of Com- them. mons. It consisted of twenty-five articles, of which the most important alleged that they had constantly met at 'Lady Carlisle's lodgings at Whitehall and in other places, with divers other persons disaffected to the State, for holding correspondence with the Queen . . . with intent to put con- ditions on the Parliament, and to bring in the King on their own terms.' They had further ' assured the Queen 4o,ooo/. per annum? as the price of her assistance. Moreover, six of them, Holies, Stapleton, Lewis, Clotworthy, Waller, and Massey. had 'invited the Scots and other foreign forces to come into the kingdom in a hostile manner,' and had also advised the Queen to send her son to Scotland, ' to march 1 Rushw. vi. 622. 2 Poyntz to Lenthall, July 9 ; Elizabeth Poyntz to Lenthall, July 9, Gary's Mem. of the Civil War, i. 298, 300. The lady complained that her husband was * carried away in his slippers, not suffered to express any conjugal comfort or courtesy to me his wife, and what will be the doom they will pass on him, I cannot tell.' 3 Poyntz arrived at Reading on the I5th, Perf. Diurnal, E. 518, 6. 4 Bell's Mem. of the Civil War, i. 370, 5 See p. 306, 1647 THE CHARGE AGAINST THE ELEVEN. 323 into this kingdom at the head of an army.' In pursuance of this design, all the eleven had listed soldiers in order ' to levy and raise a new war in this kingdom,' and had encouraged the Reformadoes to raise tumults round the Parliament House. 1 The truth of the whole charge was categorically denied by those who were most concerned to establish its falsehood, but Their though it is likely enough that, if an independent substantial investigation had taken place, many inaccuracies would have been detected in it, its substantial truth hardly admits of question. 2 Nor can the army be fairly accused of ripping up old sores to destroy a fallen enemy. The danger Truly or falsely, the soldiers believed that the not past. danger of a conjunction between an army from Scotland and the levies in the City had not altogether passed away. On July 6, the day on which the articles against the eleven members were handed in, a member of the Information . from House of Commons sent information to Reading that there were at least 16,000 men enlisted in and about the City, and that there was a talk of sending some of them into Kent to receive a Scottish army expected by sea, as well as of the apprentices coming to Westminster to declare their resolution to have the King in London whether the army consented or not. 3 Much of this information was doubtless mere gossip, but it was gossip founded on knowledge of exist- ing danger, and it can hardly be a matter of surprise that, on the receipt of this intelligence, the army forwarded to West- minster a peremptory demand for the actual disbandment of the Reformadoes. 4 The Houses, as far as lay in their power, complied with this demand, which, indeed, they were too weak to resist. 1 C.J. v. 236 ; A Particular Charge, E. 399, 17. 2 A Full Vindication and Answer, E. 398, 17. The story about the invitation to the Scots, for instance, was not invented, and that Dun- fermline was sent to open communications with the Queen is alsc beyond doubt. 3 Information by Sir F. Pile, July 6, Clarke Papers, i. 152. 4 L.J. ix. 320. V2 324 THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. CH. LII. On the gth they passed an Ordinance for the expulsion j ul of the Reformadoes from London, and on the na^for I 3 t ^ 1 tf 16 Commons, in accordance with another re- theexpui- quirement of the army, voted that those of its Reforma- members who had in any way favoured the King's cause since the beginning of the war should be M J e'r!-,o expelled.' be expelled. j t was more eaS y to p ass an Ordinance against the Reformadoes than to carry it into execution. On the i3th the London apprentices appeared on the scene. The London apprentices 1 hey were hostile to the Independents, partly the inde- because they resented their interference with the municipal control of the militia, partly also because, in the heyday of vigorous youth, they regarded the eccen- tricities of the tub-preacher as a fair object of derision. Of late, too, they were beginning to feel themselves bound to the Feb. 9 . Presbyterians by the tie of self-interest. In February don'for 611 tn ey na< ^ petitioned for the establishment of public holidays. holidays for ' lawful recreations for the needful refreshments of their spirits, without which life itself is un- pleasant and an intolerable burden,' in lieu of the festivals of the Church recently abolished. 2 For some time no notice April 20. na d been taken of their demands, and though, on raetobe April 2o, the Commons directed the preparation of brought in. an Ordinance to give effect to them, 3 weeks were allowed to pass without anything being done. It was not indeed till the Presbyterians were preparing to measure swords with the army that they recognised the danger g of alienating the apprentices. On July 8 an Ordi- nance was passed appointing a holiday to be held monthly on the second Tuesday in each month, on which * all scholars, apprentices, and servants ' were to have such time for recreation as their masters could ' conveniently spare from their extraordinary and necessary services and occa- sions.' In the case of dispute arising out of the vague word- ing of this part of the Ordinance, appeal was to be made to the 1 L.J. ix. 322 ; c.J. v. 238, 244. 2 L.J. viii. 715. 3 C.J. v. 148. 1647 A MONTHLY HOLIDAY. 325 nearest justice of the peace. It is to be supposed that the apprentices complained of the requirement to obtain their masters' permission before exercising their new rights, as a new Ordinance was issued on the nth, in which A second'' it entirely disappeared. The apprentices were still liable to be kept at home in cases of urgent neces- sity, but the burden of proof that this existed was to be thrown on the master, who would no longer be entitled simply to refuse leave without giving a reason. 1 The first of these monthly holidays fell on July 13, and the lads, grateful for the concession, celebrated it by presenting July 13 to tne Houses a petition calling for the suppression Xda rst ^ convent i c l es > the restoration of the King, the maintenance of the Covenant, and the disbandment tices' P petT of the army. 2 It is possible that this ill-timed support was not altogether welcome to the Pres- byterians, and it undoubtedly roused the indignation of the irritation in army, especially as, in spite of the Parliamentary the army. Ordinance, the Reformadoes still swarmed in the City. At the same time the expectation of a Scottish in- vasion took so firm a hold on the minds of the soldiers that juiyie. on July l6 Fairfax spoke of it to the King. 3 Moreover, it was known that Colonel Doyley, w h o nac [ formerly commanded Fairfax's lifeguard, had presented himself at Bristol without any authorisation from the commander-in-chief, and had demanded the submis- sion of the garrison. 4 The first result of these alarming rumours was that the Agitators appeared on the i6th before the Army Council with a demand for an immediate march on London. 5 march * Tne y found niuch support amongst the officers, but London. tnev we re strenuously opposed by Cromwell and Ireton. Cromwell, indeed, was ready to admit that obedience to 1 LJ. ix. 248-255 ; CJ. v. 202, 206. 2 LJ. ix. 330 ; CJ. v. 243. 3 Letter of Intelligence, July 19, Clarendon MSS. 2,556. 4 Fairfax to Lenthall, July 16, Clarke Papers, i. 162. 5 Representation of the Agitators, July 16, id. i. 170. 326 THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. CH. LII. Parliament had its limits, but he argued strongly that force ought only to be employed in the last resort, and that the time for employing it had not yet arrived. There was, he of Cromwell thought, still room for amicable negotiation. 1 Ireton, to whom, together with Lambert, had been entrusted the preparation of the proposals to be presented to the King, 2 as it was hoped, with the good-will of Parliament, was against the use of force lest it should hinder a good understanding with the "Houses. "Whatsoever we get by a treaty," said Cromwell, " it will be firm and durable, it will be conveyed over to posterity as that that will be the greatest honour to us that ever poor creatures had, that we may obtain such things as these are that we are now about : and it will have this in it too, that whatsoever is granted in that way, it will have firm- ness in it. We shall avoid that great objection that will lie against us that we have got things of the Parliament by force, and we know what it is to have that stain lie upon us." 3 " For my own part," said Cromwell, " perhaps I have as few extravagant thoughts .... of obtaining great things from Parliament as most men ; yet it hath been in most Cromwell ' J not of our thoughts that this Parliament might be a re- sanguine. ... , ,. . formed and purged Parliament, that we might see men looking at public and common interests only." 4 Now but has that the eleven had left their seats, the friends of the army had been gaining ground, and it would be doing them an ill service to bring an armed soldiery to their aid. " That which you have by force," he added, later in the course of the discussion, " I look upon it as nothing. I do not know that force is to be used except we cannot get what is for the good of the kingdom without force .... I wish we may respite our determination till . . . four or five days be over ; till we see how things will be " 5 At last Cromwell closed the A final discussion by an argument which admitted no reply, rgument. If he saidj decidedly, " you be in the right, and I in the wrong ; if we be divided, I doubt we shall all be in the 1 Clarke Papers, i. 184. 3 Idem, i. 197, 202. 3 Idem, i. 185. 4 idem, i. 192. 5 Idem, i. 202, 203. 1647 CROMWELL PLEADS FOR PATIENCE. 327 wrong .... The question is singly this : whether or no we shall not in a positive way desire the answer to those things before we march towards London, when perhaps we may have the same things in the time that we can march. Here is the Cromwell strictness of the question." l Cromwell, as might be has his way. ex p ecte d, had his way, and the demands of the soldiers were transmitted to Westminster, unaccompanied by any threatening demonstration. As Cromwell had judged, enough had been done to secure the acceptance of the requirements of the army. On the i6th and on the following days a considerable number of teHans Presbyterian members asked for leave of absence abandon the ^ \ 11 struggle. and abandoned the struggle. 2 On the iQth the July 19. Houses placed under Fairfax's command all the SmaVdaii forces in their pay in England and Wales, and on the forces. tne 2ist they ordered the disbandment of all deser- Juiyai. ters from his army. 3 By the final disappearance Deserters J J ... disbanded, of these men the army lost those disintegrating elements which had prevented its cohesion as a thoroughly Independent body. The first result of the vote which placed all military authority in the hands of Fairfax, was that the eleven members, perceiving that their designs were now incapable 1 Clarke Papers, i. 209. The body in which this discussion took place is in this report spoken of as a Council of War. It was, however, properly a full army council, as Agitators were present. The phrase council of war was used indiscriminately. " Yesterday," we are told of this very council, ' ' there was a great Council of War called . . . consisting of officers be- sides Agitators ; who now, in prudence we admit to debate, and it is not more than necessary they should be, considering the influence they have upon the soldiers, and the officers we hope have such an interest in them, as if any of more fierce disposition amongst them moderate not their reason, the officers can command it ; and I can assure you it is the singu- larest part of wisdom in the General and the officers so to carry themselves considering the present temper of the army." Letter from the army, July 17, ibid. i. 214. - C.J. v. 245 ; Letter of Intelligence, July 22, Clarendon MSS. 2,559- 3 L.J. ix. 338, 342. 328 THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. CH. LII. of accomplishment, asked and obtained leave to go beyond July 20. sea,, and also permission to postpone their defence member v s en for six months, although, on the 28th, they had ask leave sent m a preliminary answer to the charges against abroad. them. 1 In the army the news that the Houses were in a more conciliatory temper gave lively satisfaction. On the i8th the Satisfaction Parliamentary commissioners at Reading were in- in the army. f orme d that the proposed terms of accommodation would be completed in a few days. On the igth the army forwarded to the Parliament four requests accompanied with an announcement that, if these were granted, nothing more would be asked. Prisoners held in captivity with- Four re 1 - 9 ' out having been subjected to a lawful trial were to be set at liberty ; a declaration was to be issued against the invitation of foreign troops ; the army was to be constantly paid ; and the old Parliamentary Committee was to take the place of the new City Committee in the command of the London militia. 2 So satisfied was Fairfax that all jui y 22. danger was at an end, that on the 2 2nd, when he ? e e aTq V ua f removed the head-quarters to Bedford, he suffered ters. hj s cavalry to be scattered over a stretch of country which reached from Bristol to Newark. 3 Cromwell had done his best, even when violating a con- stitution which had been equally disregarded by his opponents, Cromwell's to preserve at least an outward respect for Parlia- attitude. mentary forms. Both he and the Presbyterians were anxious to substitute government by discussion for government by the sword ; but the way to that consummation was blocked by Charles, with whom government by discussion was im- possible. Cromwell and his military allies perceived clearly that the securities with which the Presbyterians thought to bind Charles were utterly inadequate. He was now seeking, with scant prospect of success, to devise other securities which 1 C.J. v. 251 ; Rushw. vi. 628 ; A Full Vindication and Answer, E. 398, 17. This is said to have been drawn up by Prynne. Burgoyne to Sir R. Verney, July 25, Verney MSS. * L.J. ix. 339. 3 A Diary, E. 400, 22. 1647 A CONSTITUTIONAL SCHEME. 329 might prove more satisfactory. To gain standing ground for this he had used force to repel threatened force. Unfortunately those who once appeal to force have a tendency to appeal to it again, and it comes to be regarded first as a necessary evil and ultimately as a salutary remedy for public mischiefs. The constitution as it stood in Elizabeth's day had long been broken up, and there was no general agreement as to the principles on which jt was to be reconstructed. Every man craved for a peaceful settlement, but, in the midst ot the general distraction, they who had the longest swords were most able to make their voices heard. It was now Ireton's turn to try whether he could in reality win the King's assent to some form of real constitutional jui i government. On July 17 his scheme was laid be- ireton'scon- fore the Council of the Army, and on the i8th a stitutional . __ scheme be- committee consisting of twelve officers and twelve CoSncUof Agitators, with leave for Cromwell to be present e Army. t ^QK he can,' was named by Fairfax to put it into shape. 1 Though Parliament had not yet been consulted, the King appears to have been allowed to have an inkling of the terms about to be offered to him, and a few changes had been made too readily as some of the Agitators thought in con- sequence of his suggestions. 2 As the scheme was now pre- pared, it did not claim to be the draft of a final agreement 1 Clarke Papers, i. 211, 216. - According to Putney Projects, p. 14 (E. 421, 19), the first draft deprived the King of that negative voice the right of refusing the royal assent to bills to which he was so much attached ; and had also excluded Royalists from office for ten instead of for five years ; whilst it asked Charles to pass two Acts, one abolishing Episcopacy, and the other confirming the sale of the bishops' lands. Some of these things may have been mere suggestions made in the Council of the Army. At all events they had disappeared before the draft was submitted to Berkeley to be shown to the King, as he represents Charles as objecting only to three points. "The first was the exception of seven," so it then stood, " not named from par- don ; the second, the excluding his party being eligible in the next ensuing Parliament ; and the third, that, though there was nothing against the Church government established, yet there was nothing done to assert it." Berkeley's Memoirs, 31. 330 THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. CH. LII. covering all details. The paper which contained it bore the name of The Heads of the Proposals, as if to in- Thc Heads * of the dicate that it was a mere sketch which was to be filled up in detail hereafter. The plan laid down in this paper for the settlement of Church disputes had at least the merit of originality. The The ; r existence of Episcopacy was indirectly admitted, but ChuS f an Act was to be passed to take away from bishops government. an( j a n other ecclesiastical officers all coercive juris- diction extending to any civil penalties, and also to repeal all laws by which the civil magistrate was bound to inflict punish- ment upon those who lay under ecclesiastical censure. More- over, there was to be a repeal of all Acts ' enjoy ning the use of the Book of Common Prayer, and imposing any penalties for neglect thereof,' as well as of all Acts enforcing attendance at church, or forbidding the holding of religious meetings else- where, some fresh provision being' made, in lieu of the Recu- sancy Acts, for the discovery of * Papists and Popish recusants,' Jesuits and priests. The Covenant, too, was no longer to be enacted. The scheme of Ireton was virtually that which was adopted in the Toleration Act of 1689. In 1647 ^ was to f ar m it is in advance of the time to be generally acceptable, even advance of if it had secured the approbation of the King, for whose benefit it had been prepared. The political concessions demanded were based on prin- ciples entirely different from those which pervaded the The political Propositions of Newcastle. The Presbyterian idea had been to force the Crown to submit to the exist- ing Parliamentary system. The Independent idea was to bring Parliament itself under popular control. Parliament was to indicate a date for its own dissolution, after which it was to be succeeded by biennial parliaments, elected by a reformed constituency in which the franchise was to be exercised by populous towns and districts hitherto unrepresented or under- represented, whilst it was to be taken away from the villages and hamlets, which had been the main strength of the Crown and its Cavalier supporters. These biennial parliaments were 1 647 A CONSTITUTIONAL SCHEME. 331 not to be dissolved without their own consent till the session had lasted one hundred and twenty days : on the other hand, in no case was the session to continue more than two hundred and forty in the course of the two years of its existence. In this new constitution a prominent place was to be given to the Council of State, of which the members were, in the A Council fi rst instance, to be named by agreement, and were of state. to con ti nue j n office for a term not exceeding seven years. As nothing was said about the way in which their successors were to be appointed, it is to be presumed that they were to be nominated by the King. However this may have been, the Council of State was to occupy a more im- portant constitutional position than the old Privy Council, from which every member could be dismissed at the King's pleasure, and by which no business could be transacted except by his permission. The Council of State, of which the idea was probably taken from the Committee of Both Kingdoms, was to carry on negotiations with foreign Powers, and, subject to the approval of Parliament, to conclude peace or declare war ; to superintend the militia during ten years with the approval of Parliament itself when sitting, or of a Parliamentary committee appointed for the purpose in the intervals between the sessions. In case of necessity the King might summon an extraordinary Parliament after one Parliament had been dissolved, and when the obligatory election to another was not yet imminent, but he was only to do this with the consent of the Council of State. Though the direction of the militia was to be for ten years in the hands of the Council ltia ' of State, its commanders were for the same time to be appointed by Parliament. After that time, if Charles were still living, he might make the appointments with the approval of Parliament or of its committee. The next king was, ap- parently, both to superintend the militia and to appoint its officers without reference to Parliament, provided that he could obtain the consent of the Council of State. The domestic government was to be carried on, as it had been before the war, by royal officials, but those officials were for ten years to be appointed by Parliament and, after that 332 THE HEADS OF THE PROPOSALS. CH. LII. time, by the King out of three candidates nominated by Par- liament for every vacancy. To preserve the independence of Domestic Parliament, no peer created since May 21, 1642, or government. crea t e d hereafter, was to sit in Parliament without the consent of both Houses, whilst the judicial power of the House of Lords was to be limited by requiring the assent of the House of Commons to its judgments whenever they affected a commoner. Each member of the House of Commons was to have the right of protest. If Charles accepted these proposals, his partisans were to be dealt with more leniently than in any of the propositions Treatment made by the Houses. Not more than five were to of Royalists. be j eft to tne judgment of Parliament, and the compositions enacted from the remainder were to be lowered. No Royalist, however, was either to hold office during the next five years without the consent of Parliament or the Council of State, or to sit in either House till the secono^ biennial Parlia- ment had come to an end. Other clauses there were, but of less importance, and a list of desirable reforms was added in the hope that the existing Parliament might find time to pass them without prolonging its sittings unreasonably. 1 In their main lines The Heads of the Proposals anticipated later constitutional developments. They substituted the in- Constitu- fluence of the Crown for its direct authority, and veiopnfen'ts tnev brought the House of Commons more under anticipated. tne control of the constituencies than it had been hitherto. In other words, they were pervaded with jealousy of the reigning King, and with jealousy of the existing Parliament, though it was on the approval of the reigning King and of the existing Parliament that those who framed them counted to give legal authority to their project. Unless, however, the consent they required were willingly given they would have laboured in vain. The first requisite of successful government is confidence between the ruler and the ruled. Such confidence could never be replaced by a series of restrictions which were well enough on paper, but which Charles, if he ever consented to be bound by them, would seek every opportunity to explain away. 1 The Heads of the Proposals, Const. Doc. 232. 1647 CHARLES UNDER SUSPICION. 333 That Charles would be hostile to The Heads of the Proposals might easily be foreseen. Not only did they impose perma- nent restrictions on that authority which he still hostile to believed it possible to preserve intact, but there was a marked contrast between their elaborate stipula- tions and the vague conditions which had been offered to him upon his arrival at Newmarket. 1 The change, no doubt, might be accounted for in part by the necessary contrast between terms verbally expressed and terms set down in writing ; but it was also owing to the lesson taught by Charles's refusal to accept the original proposal. The army now knew that it had an opponent to bind down, and not a friend with whom it might co-operate. Suspicion, absent in June, had entered in July into the minds of the framers of the present scheme. Unfortunately Charles sought the cause of this sus- picion in others rather than in himself. In combating the proposals of the army he had no difficulty in persuading himself that they were supported not by the army at large, but simply by a few ambitious chiefs. 1 " Pendendo queste negotiation! secretamente 1' armata dava al Re proposition! contrarie alia sua autorita, et alia liberta del popolo, pregiudi- tialissime a se medesimo et a' suoi successor!, le quali S. M., se bene nelle loro mano, non ha mai voluto passare, non le desiderando ancora tutti quelli dell' armata, ma solamente li capi di quella come ancora li Capi degli Independent!." Newsletter, *-j~> Roman Transcripts, R.O. 334 CHAPTER LIII. THE MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CHARLES'S usual habit when dissatisfied with one party was to turn to another, and on July 22, being not well pleased with l647 . The Heads of the Proposals, he graciously received ChSs's 2 ' Lauderdale at Latimers, where he was resting for the interview night on his way to Woburn. The interview resulted with Lauder- J dak. in Charles offering to write a letter which was to be carried to Edinburgh by Cheisley, the secretary of the Scottish commissioners in London. Consequently, Lauderdale returned in good spirits under the impression that this letter would open the way to the long-talked-of invasion of England by a Scottish army. 1 Lauderdale, strongly as from political motives he had hitherto sided with the Presbyterian party, had little sympathy with the Presbyterian zealots of his own country, and it is likely enough that he under-estimated the difficulty of obtain- ing the acceptance in Scotland of such half-hearted concessions as Charles was likely to make in matters of religion. 1 " Par les nouvelles que j'eus avant-hyer, du Roy de la Grande Bre- tagne, et par celles que j'en ay encores aujourdhuy receues, il commence a s'appercevoir de ce dont nous 1'advertissons il y a bien longtemps, que les Independants establissant leur pouvoir, non seulement mesprisent le sien, mais aussy s'efforcent de le ruyner absolument : si plustost il eust reconnu ceste verite, plus aysement il y auroit pourveu qu'il ne pourra cy apres. Par le retour du Comte de Lauderdale . . . qui le doibt aujourd- huy veoir a Latimer, nous S9aurons demain comment il aura receu les offres qu'il a ordre de luyfaire de la part du diet Royaulme." Bellievre to Mazarin, J A U ^, R. O. Transcripts. " Le Comte de Lauderdale est revenu d'auprez de luy assez satisfait de ce qu'il luy a promis de donner une lettre de creance a Chisley . . . pour i647 RESTLESSNESS OF THE CITY. 335 If, as can hardly be doubted, Lauderdale was acting in combination with the eleven members, 1 who, in spite of leave The Pres- of absence asked and obtained, were still lingering anifthe 18 m England, it would have been prudent in the Pres- cit y- byterian leaders to await the reception of Charles's letter in Scotland before raising a fresh agitation in London. Either, however, their impatience was too great, or the turbulent elements in the City were no longer under their control. On July 21. tne 2ist > tne day before Lauderdale's interview with Engagement tne King, a crowd of apprentices, watermen, re- O f the city, formadoes, and others streamed into Skinners' Hall, where they signed a Solemn Engagement, in virtue of which they were to maintain the Covenant, and to procure the King's restoration to power on the basis of the letter of May i2, 2 in which Charles had abandoned Episcopacy for three years and the militia for ten. 3 It was doubtless on the municipal independence of the City that the hearts of the supporters of this Engagement were mainly set, but after the withdrawal of the eleven The" Com-' members, they could no longer count on the sup- with s the e port of the Commons. On the 22nd the proposal of the army that the control of the City militia asffih?' should be restored to the old Parliamentary Corn- Lords, mittee was accepted in a thin House by a majority July 24- of 77 to 46, and on the following day this vote was Engagement confirmed by the Lords. On the 24th both Houses :ed ' joined in denouncing the Solemn Engagement of the City. 4 In appearance at least Parliament and army were of one aller dire de sa part tant au conseil d'Escosse qu'a 1'Assemblee des ministres qui se tiendra a Edimburg le I5 me de ce mois," i.e. Aug. ', " beaucoup de choses qui donneront aux Escossais le pretexte qu'ils cher- chent avec tant d'ardeur d'entrer encore en Angleterre." Bellievre to Mazarin, ^J*, R.O. Transcripts. 1 For his connection with them, see Bamfield's Apology, 31. 2 See p. 252. 3 A solemn engagement, L.J. ix. 354. * C.J. v. 254, 256 ; L.J. ix. 346, 354. 336 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON, CH. LIII. mind. On July 23 the army assured the Commons of its readiness to support them in any measures they might take Feeling in to provide fitting security for the kingdom. The the army. acceptance of the terms indicated in the King's letter of May 1 2 meant to the soldiers the abandonment of all the principles at issue in the great struggle. Whether those who organised the movement in the City were supported by any of the eleven members or not, 1 it is quite certain that they had the municipal authorities at A city their backs. On the 26th a petition was presented to both Houses by the Common Council, asking for the repeal of the Ordinance by which the old Parliamentary Committee of Militia had been re-established in the City. 2 The deputation bringing it was followed by an ex- A mob at ' West- cited crowd of apprentices and others, clamouring for a favourable answer. The Lords only nine peers were in attendance replied evasively, but being roughly told that unless they recalled the recent Militia Submission * of the Ordinance and the declaration against the Engage- ment ' they should never come out,' did as they were bidden, and were then allowed, after adjourning to the 3oth, to depart unhurt. The turn of the Commons came next. They, too, in vain attempted to take refuge in a dilatory answer. The rioters i "Whereupon the Earls of Manchester, Holland, Lauderdale who, though not of the Parliament, but one of the Scots' commissioners, had great credit in the City my Lord Willoughby of Parham, my Lord Holies" (this title was borne by him when this was written), " Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Waller, Major General Massey, Major General Browne, all which, and divers more who had great influence in the City, judged it now the critical season to engage it to petition Parliament for the continuance of their militia under the establishment it was." Bamfield's Apology. Bamfield, as perhaps was to be expected in a book written so long after the event, is loose as to dates, and goes on to include in the demands made in the City Petition some which were subsequently made by the mob. Waller ( Vindication, 101-106) admits that he knew of the petition, but says that had nothing to do with the tumults. Holies (Memoirs, 153) disclaims knowing anything about either. * L.J. ix. 356 ; C.J. v. 258. 1 647 A MOB AT WESTMINSTER. 337 poured into the lobby, burst open the doors, and from the entrance called upon the members to do as the Lords had Attack done. For six hours the House held out in spite on the of threats and shouts of " Vote ! Vote ! " from the boisterous crowd. Outside, men who were dis- covered to be servants of officers of the army were roughly handled. Their ears and noses were pulled, and they were dragged about amidst mocking cries. Hostile as the City was, the House had no means of restoring order without its aid. Message after message was accordingly despatched to Guildhall, but the Lord Mayor and Aldermen were in no hurry to shorten the troubles of the members, and when at last one of the sheriffs appeared on the scene he was followed by no more than forty halberdiers. Gathering courage from the smallness of this force, the mob pushed on over the floor of the House itself, telling the members, as they had told the peers earlier in the day, that none should stir till the Ordinance and declaration had been repealed. It was eight o'clock in Forced the evening when the members, worn out and ex- hausted, at last gave way, yielding to pressure which they were no longer able to resist. Having passed the re- pealing votes, they voted an adjournment, and at last rose to leave the House. The intruders, however, were still unsatisfied. Thrusting Lenthall back into the chair, as Finch had been thrust eighteen years before, they insisted he should put to the vote a resolu- tion inviting the King to London. The terrorised House again obeyed orders, after which some members of The House the Common Council tardily arrived. Finding that all had been done that they desired, they dismissed the mob. The next morning the House, taking example from the Lords, adjourned to the 3oth. 1 The independence of a Parliament which had long ceased to represent the nation was by this time a thing of the 1 Z./. ix. 356 ; C.J. v. 258 ; Whitelocke> 260 ; Rushworth to Lord Fairfax, July 27, Bell's Mem. of the Civil War, ii. 379 ; Lenthall's De- claration^ E. 400, 32 ; Mabbot (?) to , July 26, Clarke Papers^ i. 217. VOL. III. 2 338 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. LIII. past. Pressure from the army had been succeeded by pres- sure from the mob, and moderate men might be and counter- excused for thinking that, of the two, the former was to be preferred. For the present the City stood firm. On the 28th, after attending a course of sermons which lasted from ten o'clock July 28. in the morning till five in the afternoon, the Common Sm??i?~ Council wrote to Fairfax urging him to keep back the city. his forces, and intimating that their own preparation for placing the City in a state of defence * was no just cause to provoke the soldier.' On the 2gth it was known in Fairfax London that Fairfax had on that morning broken Bedford. up from Bedford and was marching towards the An alarm City. The trained bands were at once sent to man in the City. t k e wa ii S) an d orders were given for a general levy of the whole male population capable of bearing arms. 1 Poyntz had for some time been at liberty, 2 and it was now suggested that either he or Massey should be placed in com- mand of the whole of the forces of London and Westminster, which were calculated as amounting to no less than 30,000 foot and 10,000 horse. To give to this armament a basis of legality, it was proposed that when the Houses met on the 3oth, the Commons should recall their absent members, in- cluding the impeached eleven, and enter upon a negotiation with the King. 3 In Independent circles it was believed that, in order to ensure the acceptance of these proposals, a far larger mob than that which had broken into the House on the 26th would appear at Westminster on the 3oth. 4 On the other hand, there were rumours abroad amongst the Presby- terians, that when the Houses met they would under the influence of the Independents adjourn themselves for a month, 5 in which case it would be impossible, to give Parlia- mentary sanction to the projected armament. 1 Ruskw. vi. 645, 646. 2 See p. 322. 3 A continuation of certain . . . passages, E. 400, 25 ; Tke Perfect Weekly Account, E. 401, I ; Dr. Denton to Sir R. Verney, July 27, Ver- ney MSS. 4 Lenthall's Declaration, E. 400, 32. 5 L.J. ix. 377. 1647 THE FLIGHT OF THE SPEAKERS. 339 The Independents, at least, had no intention of carrying out the project attributed to them. When the morning of the July 3 o. 3oth arrived it was found that the two Speakers, Manchester and Lenthall, together with eight Inde- pendent peers and fifty-seven Independent mem- bers o f the House of Commons, were missing. 1 members. That Manchester, who had strong reasons for bearing a grudge against the Independents, should have been amongst the absentees was significative of the disgust which mob -violence is apt to rouse. For the moment, however, the p oceedin Presbyterians were masters of both Houses. They at West- chose new Speakers, Lord Willoughby of Parham in the Lords and Pelham in the Commons, recalled the eleven members, and reconstituted the Committee of Safety, placing Waller and Massey upon it. They also put themselves under the protection of the militia of the City, now once more under the authority of the new Presbyterian committee, to which they gave power to appoint a commander-in-chief. Finally, they sent orders to Fairfax to abstain from coming within thirty miles of London. These orders they accompanied with an assurance that the City authorities would keep the apprentices under restraint, and that, so far as the apprentices themselves were concerned, it was not to be doubted * but the sense of so great an offence 'as the violation of the privileges of Parliament would 'at last strike their breasts . . . with a detestation of any practices of the like nature for the future.' 2 There could be no doubt that the Presbyterians intended to fight now, if they had the chance. After most of the eleven The Houses members had taken their places at Westminster, defence f r the Militia Committee named Massey commander of all the forces raised by the City. Time was, Fairfax at J J Coinbrook. however, running short. On the 3oth Fairfax esta- tablished his own head-quarters at Coinbrook. Some of his regiments seized on Tilbury Fort, whilst others crossed the 1 The evidence on the story that Cromwell and Ireton persuaded Lenthall to go to the army is collected in a note of Mr. Firth's to p. 219 of vol. i. of the Clarke Papers. - LJ. ix. 358 ; C.J. v. 259. 340 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. LIII. Thames above Westminster, and threatened to march on Gravesend, 1 and thus to starve out the commerce of London by occupying both banks of the Thames. They actually pushed on to Deptford, where they came to blows with the deserters, four of the latter being slain. 2 The strategy which had failed in Charles's hands seemed likely to succeed in the hands of Fairfax. It may well be believed that neither Fairfax nor Cromwell desired to enter London as conquerors. They were coming, The army ^ey alleged, not as enemies, but as protectors of expeikd tne true P arnam ent, expelled by the violence of the members. mob. On their side was peace and order ; on the side of their opponents was riot in the streets, and a New Civil War in the land. Yet it was not merely on a restored Parliament that they had based their hopes of a restoration of Continu order. During the days in which their eyes appeared ance of the to be exclusively fixed on Westminster, they had not negotiation , with the neglected to push on their negotiations with the King, in the hope that they might be able, with no long delay, to announce that a general reconciliation had been effected. It was on July 23, before troubles had occurred at West- minster, that The Heads of the Proposals in their amended July 23. sha P e 3 were P laced in Berkeley's hands to be com- The Heads municated unofficially to the King. It is proba- ble that the insistence of the army on binding him Chades, in constitutional fetters outweighed all gratitude, if amended indeed he felt any, for their greater tolerance in matters of religion. If the army, said Charles to Berkeley, had had a mind to close with him, they would not have insisted on such hard conditions. Berkeley sensibly re- plied that he should have had more cause to suspect them if they had asked for less. Charles would not listen to such an argument. The army, he said, 'could not subsist without him.' " I shall see them glad ere long," he added, " to accept more equal terms." 4 1 The Perfect Weekly Account , E. 401, i. 2 Rushw. vii. 741. See p. 329. 4 Berkeley's Memoirs, 30-32. 1647 CHARLES DISTRUSTS THE ARMY. 341 Berkeley could no longer conceal from himself the failure of his mission. With characteristic modesty he expressed a hope that Ashburnham, when he arrived, 1 would be more and AS*?- successful. Ashburnham, when he arrived, proved himself to have no more insight into the situation than the King himself. Charles actually fancied that he was furthering his own ends by directing Ashburnham and Berkeley An a eai to J om ^ n a PP eann g to tne cupidity of the heads of to the the army. Fairfax and Cromwell, forsooth, were to of the be urged 'to fasten their affections to his Majesty's perfect restoration by proffers of advantages to them- selves, and by fulfilling their utmost expectations in anything relating to their own interest, or that of any of their friends whom they would involve in the work of his Majesty's re-esta- blishment.' 2 So were the precious hours in which the army had most need of Charles's concurrence allowed to slip away. When, on Tui z8(?) or aDOUt J u ty 2 8> 3 The Heads of the Proposals were Formal formally presented to him at Woburn by a deputa- presenta- . , don of The tion from the army, he answered peremptorily that he would not have one of his followers exempted Proposals. ^ m pardon, and that the Church must not only be allowed freedom, but must be positively established by law. Charles's The burden of his discourse was " You cannot do rash talk. without me ! You will fall to ruin if I do not sus- tain you." Berkeley, amazed at his master's indiscretion, attempted to stop the torrent. "Sir," he whispered into Charles's ear, " your Majesty speaks as if you had some secret strength and power that I do not know of ; and since your Majesty hath concealed it from me, I wish you had concealed it from these men also." 4 The fact was that Charles had lately received encouraging messages from Lauderdale, and was filled with expectation of a triumphant movement in his favour in the City. 3 1 See p. 318. 2 Ashburnham's Narrative, ii. 90. 3 It was whilst the army was still at Bedford, and therefore before 2 9 . Berkeley's Memoirs, 33-35. 5 Bamfield's Apology, 32.. 342 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. LIII. At Berkeley's hint, Charles moderated his language ; but the effect of his intemperate speech was beyond recall. Rains- borough, the leader of that section of the army which officers dis- was most adverse to an understanding with the King, hastened from his presence to Bedford, where he spread the news of his rash sayings amongst the soldiers. On the 29th the army broke up from Bedford, in consequence of the serious news from Westminster, and on the following day July 3 o. its irritation was further increased by the intelligence daktT tnat Lauderdale had arrived at Woburn, and had Wobum. brought Cheisley with him. As a matter of fact, he had come to receive Charles's last instructions before de- spatching Cheisley to Scotland on a mission, the object of which was to hasten an invasion of England by the Scots. Though the soldiers knew little of Lauderdale's plans, they , j oi suspected much, and on the morning of the 3ist Lauder- J some of them broke into his lodging, before he had dale sent . . - off by the risen. In order to prevent him from seeing the King, they ordered him to leave his bed and to quit the place at once without visiting the Abbey. In vain Lauder- dale, probably hoping to melt the hearts of his assailants, asked for a short delay in which to say his prayers ; but the soldiers inexorably hurried him off as soon as he was dressed. ! The fears of the soldiers were justifiable enough, but as the views of Charles and the Committee of Estates at Edinburgh were still widely apart, there was little likelihood of an imme- diate invasion. In a letter written by the King on the 27th, he forbade Lanark ' to mention as to England either Cove- nant or Presbyterial government.' 2 Whilst Lauderdale was in vain attempting to reach the Abbey, Charles was preparing, after long consultations with his lawyers and divines, an answer to The Heads of the Proposals. In the opinion of Berkeley, who had himself a share in 1 Complaint of the Scottish Commissioners, Aug. I, L.J. ix. 367 ; Bellievre to Mazarin, ^/J, R.O. Transcripts-, Whalley's Narrative printed in A Declaration from his Excellency, E. 407, 36. - Bwnut. v. no, 1647 ATTITUDE OF CHARLES. 343 drawing it up, it was absolutely conclusive. "We easily," he wrote, " answered the proposals both in law and reason ; but Charles we k a( * to ^o with what was stronger than both." prepares The army leaders, on the other hand, being well aware to The of the general nature of the King's reply, answered it of The in advance on August i, by publishing The Heads of Proposal. fhe p ro p osa i s themselves, whilst they, at the same Tbdrpttb. ^ me ' ur g e d Berkeley, if he could not persuade the lication. King to assent to their terms, to obtain from him 'at least a kind letter to the army,' before the submission of London, which they knew to be impending, deprived the courtesy of all its grace. A letter to Fairfax repudiating the Charles's enemies of the army and declaring himself in the main double satisfied with The Heads of the Proposals was indeed prepared for Charles's signature, but he refused to sign it, and before he consented to sign any letter at all, events had occurred which robbed it of both ' grace and efficacy.' L Yet at the very time when he was so sparing of any public demonstration of good- will, he was sending private messages to Ireton, assuring him of his readiness to confide in the army, and to entrust it with the settlement of the kingdom. 2 By this time the citizens were growing weary of the anarchy which they had fostered in their midst. The Reformadoes were beginning to talk of plundering the City. 3 The Danger ot . anarchy in Independents, who, after all, constituted a not in- considerable minority amongst the Londoners, were emboldened by Fairfax's arrival at Colnbrook to appear on Au 2 August 2 at Guildhall with a petition for an accom- indepen- modation. They were there attacked by Poyntz and his officers, and some of them were wounded mortally. The arrival of a deputation from South- wark, where there had long been a jealousy of the City's claim 1 Berkeley's Memoirs, 38, 39. Draft of a letter, Aug. 3, Clar. St. P. ii. 371. - Major Huntington's Sundry Reasons, p. 7. E. 458, 3. 3 " II n'y a pas un soldat qui veuille sortir d'icy maintenant : ils croyent tour avoir bonne part dans le butin de ceste ville qu'ils imaginent pouvoir piller." Bellievre to Mazarin, ' *', R.O. Transcripts. 344 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON, CH. LIII. to command the militia of the suburbs, was even more ominous of danger. Southwark required from the Common Council A demand ^ at an a g reement should be made with the army, and that the disposal of its militia should be con- ceded to it. 1 Even in the seventeenth century the City was weakened by the growth of a greater London beyond the limits of its jurisdiction. Before nightfall on the 2nd, the Common Council made up its mind to yield ; and the next morning despatched a letter Au to Fairfax, disclaiming any wish to enter upon a new A deputa- war. The deputation which carried the letter found tion from , the city to the army drawn up on Hounslow Heath, 20,000 strong, and, for a reply, had to be content with a rion^y**" l n g declaration, drawn up on the preceding day, in the army. w hi c h was set forth the intention of the army to march on London, as well as its expectation that the eleven members would be either delivered up, or kept in custody till they could be tried according to law. Then followed a scene which had no doubt been carefully pre-arranged. The fugitive Reception members of the two Houses headed by their fugitive Speakers, and accompanied by Fairfax himself, rode members. along the front of the regiments. Their reception could not have been more enthusiastic. The soldiers threw their hats into the air with cries of " Lords and Commons and a free Parliament." The Elector Palatine, who always took care to attach himself to the stronger party, then rode up and received a greeting equally warm. 2 If the soldiers shouted for Lords and Commons, they shouted for themselves as well. There could be few amongst them who were not glad to dis- cover that their purposed intervention was strictly constitu- tional. Fairfax was by this time assured of success. A message had come from Southwark imploring his aid. Four regiments Southwark werc ra P^ty P usne( i forward on the south side of the sends for Thames, and at two in the morning they entered Southwark through a gate opened to them by their friends inside. Even before this the City had surrendered at dis- 1 Rushw. vii. 741. 2 Idem, vii. 743-751. 1647 THE ARMY IN THE CITY. 345 cretion. The letter announcing its resolution to submit, written on the afternoon of the 3rd, reached Fairfax at Hammersmith on Surrender the mornm g of tne 4th. Later in the day another letter of the city, arrived from Charles, who now briefly disclaimed all Aug. 4 . intention of making war against Parliament, without from the even attempting to meet the charge, to which he was really open, of having sympathised with the attempt of the Presbyterians to make war against the army. 1 On August 6 the army, escorting the returning members, tramped along the road to Westminster. The march resembled Aug. 6. a triumphal procession rather than the occupation of Jn h teiJ rmy a nostile Cltv - Every soldier had placed a leaf of London. laurel- in his hat. When Hyde Park was reached the Lord Mayor and Aldermen welcomed the General, and the distasteful ceremony was repeated by the Common Council at Charing Cross. 2 In Parliament opposition, for the moment, died away. Manchester and Lenthall returned to their chairs, and the Restoration fugitive members were once more seen in their of the mem- respective Houses. Fairfax having been duly Fairfax thanked by Lords and Commons, received the Constable appointment of Constable of the Tower, which was Tower. no longer to be entrusted to the citizens. The Reformadoes were at last to be actually ejected from London, and a Committee consisting of members of both Houses was appointed to inquire into the violence recently offered to Parliament. 3 On the following day a display of force was made of which the citizens could hardly fail to appreciate the significance. The bulk of the army, some 18,000 strong, marched The army through the streets of the City, and passed over through 5 London Bridge on the way to Croydon. Cromwell the city. rode at the head of the Cavalrv> but F a i r f aX) w hose health was not yet completely restored, was seated in a carriage with Cromwell's wife and his own. A Royalist spectator, 1 The King to Fairfax, Aug. 4, Rushw. vii. 753. 2 Rushw. vii. 756. * L.J. ix. 374; C.J.v.268. 346 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. LIII. indeed, declared that the troops were. 'neither well-horsed nor well-armed,' but their martial vigour and their orderly discipline were beyond dispute. 1 A sufficient force remained behind at Westminster and the Tower to guard the Houses against a fresh incursion of the City mob. In the eyes of Fairfax this military occupation of London was but a necessary prelimin- ary to an understanding with the King, and there The army J , . hopes for an is every reason to believe that the majority of the ingSfth officers and men under his command shared his ing - hopes. With their full knowledge, the General had declared, in a letter recently addressed to the City, that the army had * no other design but the quiet and happy settlement of a firm and lasting peace.' 2 When, upon hie entry into the Tower, the records of the kingdom were shown to thT(fr X eat n him, he called for the Great Charter. " This is that," he said, " which we have fought for, and by God's help we must maintain." 3 To maintain the principles of the Great Charter under the changed conditions of the seventeenth century was indeed the work in hand. Neither Fairfax nor anyone then Comparison ' between the living was likely to remember that it was only after times of / . ' John and of the struggles of two generations that the benefits of the Great Charter had been more than nominally secured. The first difficulty of the army after its day of triumph was, however, not with Charles but with Parliament. The House independent of Lords, indeed, gave little trouble. With the SlSse 1 exception of Pembroke, who always sided with the of Lords. party which happened for the moment to be upper- most, none of the Lords who had voted Willoughby of Parham into the chair reappeared after the restoration of Manchester. The attendance of a little knot of twelve or thirteen peers, who 1 Letter of Intelligence, Aug. 9, Clarendon MSS. 2,572 ; Newsletter, Aug. j^, Aug. 1%, Roman Transcripts, R. 0. The latter writes that the soldiers passerent sy modestement, et en sy bon ordre, que je ne crois pas que 1'on puisse voir une armee mieux disciplinee." 2 Fairfax to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, Aug. 5, Rushw. vii. 756. 8 Anderson's Life of King Charles, 1,002. 1 647 THE INDEPENDENTS CHECKED. 347 occupied a corner of the empty chamber, now converted the House of Lords into an Independent stronghold. It was far otherwise with the House of Commons. On August 9 a large number of those members who had prudently Aug. 9 . asked leave of absence during the recent troubles fh^House" Returned to the House, where their presence seriously of Commons, imperilled the mastery of the Independent party. Both Presbyterians and Independents, indeed, were now ready to protest against the violence of the mob, but whilst the Inde- pendents urged the House to affirm that all votes passed in the absence of the legitimate Speakers were null and void, the Presbyterians merely wished to expunge them from the journals, on the ground that if they were once admitted to have been without force from the beginning, the members who had assented to them might be called in question for having taken part in an unconstitutional action. 1 When at the close of the debate the question was put for declaring the votes to have been null and void, the Ayes rang A bare loudly out, whilst the Noes of the Presbyterians IKndepS- were f ew an( * feeble. In the insolence of victory an dents. Independent member called for a division, for no other reason, it would seem, than to reveal the weakness of the other party. If the Presbyterians were too depressed to shout, they were not too depressed to vote, and to the astonishment of all present the division gave to the Independents a bare majority of one, the votes being 95 to 94. A worse disappoint- ment was in store for the Independents. Three members who had retired into a committee-room to avoid voting with either side were discovered and brought into the House. As they had been present when the question was put, they were ordered to vote, and all three gave their voices for the rejection of the Independent resolution, which was therefore lost by a majority of two. 2 On the following day the Presbyterians rejected, by a largely increased majority of 34, another resolution which implied approbation of the recent proceedings of the army. 3 1 A Perfect Summary, E. 518, 19. 2 CJ. v. 270; Dr. Denton to Sir R. Verney, Aug. 12, Verney MSS. 3 C.J. v. 271. 348 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. LIII. In less than a week after the entry of the army into London, the instrument which it chose to call a free Parliament had broken in its hands. The last vote left officers and soldiers exposed to the penalties of the law, and it was therefore followed by a cry for a fresh and more jonty. stringent application of force. " If things %re current tnus >" sa id an Independent member, "it is high force de- time for us to betake ourselves to the strongest power and the longest sword." l A party in the army was ready to resort to extreme measures. A few days Rains- before Berkeley had asked Rainsborough what would v?ew u of h the happen if The Heads of the Proposals were accepted situation. by the King and rejected by the Houses. " If they will not agree," answered Rainsborough, " we will make them," and of this all the officers present at the time signified their approval. 2 It soon appeared that the Commons had no intention of abandoning their hostile attitude. On the i3th a resolution Aug. 13. sent down from the Lords, for making the Presby- Commons terian Militia Committee answerable for its recent persist. action, was rejected by a majority of 25, on the ground that it had no legal existence after its re-establishment by the mutilated Parliament, whilst on the same day they passed, by a still larger majority of 40, an Ordinance for repeal- ing, not annulling, the votes of the Houses in the absence of the Speakers. 3 On the following day, to counteract the effect of these pro- ceedings, the Agitators presented a petition to Fairfax. The attempt of the army, they asserted, ' to secure to the honour- able members of Parliament that discharged their trust ' the possibility of sitting as ' a free and legal Parliament ' had failed Aug. 14. ' through the unexpected intrusion of those usurpers ' tatorffaii w h had formerly taken part in the mischievous for a purge, proceedings of a pretended Parliament. As a remedy they proposed 'that all and every person that have sat in 1 Dr. Denton to Sir R. Verney, Aug. 12, Verney MSS.. 2 Berkeley's Memoirs, 36, 3 C.J. v. 273. 1647 FLIGHT OF SIX MEMBERS. 349 that pretended Parliament, or adhered to them or their votes when the free legal Parliament was by violence suspended, might immediately be declared against as persons incapable of sitting or voting in this Parliament.' l The House, in short, to employ a phrase at this time coming into vogue, was to be purged of those members who hindered the views of the army from prevailing. The petition of the Agitators had, at least, the effect of finally convincing most of the eleven members of the hope- Aug. 16. lessness of their position. On August 16 five of of the'deven them Stapleton, Lewis, Waller, Clotworthy, and members. Long availed themselves of passports given them by the Speaker to take shipping for France. They were, how- ever, stopped by a frigate, and brought before Batten, who, as Vice- Admiral, commanded the fleet in the Downs. Batten, who was notoriously friendly to the Presbyterians, readily left them at liberty to go where they would. They therefore pur- sued their voyage to Calais, where Stapleton died, as some thought, of the plague. A few days later Holies made his way safely to St. Malo. 2 Of the other five, Nichols was under arrest ; Glyn, Harley, and Sir John Maynard preferred to face the worst in England ; whilst Massey, who was specially in- culpated as having been concerned in raising and disciplining the City forces, had escaped with Poyntz to Holland as soon as he discovered that resistance was hopeless. 3 In the House of Commons itself, the threats of the Agita- Aug. 17. tors produced an irritation which stiffened the resist- Commons ance of tne Presbyterian majority. On the lyth, a of g Tvin g g ns proposal of the Independents to declare that the way, but House had been 'under coercion from July 26 to continue to . . . . ' , resist. August 6 was rejected, though it is true that it was only rejected by a majority of three. During the next day or two the 1 The humble address of the Agitators, Aug. 14, E. 402, 8. - A Perfect Diurnal, E. 518, 21 ; Perfect Occurrences, E. 518, 23. See, however, A true relation of Captain Batten, E. 404, 38 ; A short and true Narrative, E. 409, 3. 3 He and Poyntz left behind them a Declaration (E. 401, 12), pub- lished on Aug. 9. 350 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. Lin. majorities fluctuated in a surprising manner. 1 By this time the impatience of the army was growing beyond restraint. On impatience the 1 8th the Army Council met at Kingston, where of the army. fa e y fa ew U p a declaration fully supporting the peti- Aug. 18. t j on O f the Agitators, 2 and even gave orders for a The Army Council forward movement of the army towards Westminster supports the , i /- i /- i Agitators, to support the demand lor the purging of the Cromwell House. Those who cried loudest for immediate pufge the action found a warm supporter in Cromwell, 3 who House. had Deen driven out o f all regard for constitutional propriety by the recent proceedings of the Presbyterians in the House. " These men," he said, " will never leave till the army pull them out by the ears," 4 and on another occasion, after complaining bitterly of the sway borne by Holies and Stapleton in the affairs of the kingdom, he added words which 1 C.J. v. 275, 277-279. 2 Declaration of the Council of the Army, Aug. 18, L.J. ix. 391. 3 "The army," wrote Fairfax in Short Memorials (Somers's Tracts, v. 393), "marched nearer London ; and at Windsor after two days' debate in a council of war, it was resolved to remove all of the house whom they conceived did obstruct (as they called it) the public settlement. " I was pressed to use all expedition in this march, but here I resolved to use a restrictive power, when I had not a persuasive ; and when the Lieutenant -General and others did urge me to sign orders for marching, I still delayed it, as ever dreading the consequences of breaking Parliaments, and at a time when the kingdom was falling into a new war, which was so near that my delaying three or four days giving out orders, diverted this humour of the army from being statesmen to their more proper duty as soldiers. . . . This I write to show how by providence a few days of delay secured the Parliament above a year from the violence which soon after was offered them." If this took place more than a year before Pride's purge, it must have happened before Dec. 6, 1647. If it took place at "Windsor it must have happened after Nov. 19. Between these two dates, however, no pro- posal to purge the House was made. Fairfax is, however, very loose about details, and the story may safely be placed here, when a proposal to purge was actually made. 4 This story is told by Ludlow, who assigns it to a much earlier date ; but his regardlessness for chronology is well known, and the observation is not only far more likely to have been made at a time when Cromwell really advocated a purge, but the placing it at this date is strongly coun- tenanced by a passage in Huntington's Sundry Reasons, p. 8, E. 548, 3. 1 647 FAIRFAX AND CROMWELL. 351 gave bitter offence to his detractors. " I know nothing to the contrary," he said, " but that I am as well able to govern the kingdom as either of them." l Cromwell's main obstacle lay with Fairfax, who refused to participate in his design of purging the House, and who post- Fairfax poned from day to day the order for the march on which the Army Council had decided. Crom- C r r 1 ^ v e e s 11 to well determined to take the matter into his own act. hands. On the 20th, when the Ordinance for de- claring the proceedings of Parliament in the absence of the Speakers null and void was again brought forward, he ordered a regiment of cavalry to take up a position in Hyde Park, so as to convey the impression that he intended to use it, if necessary, against the House of Commons. He then, leaving outside a party of soldiers who followed him up to the door, entered the House accompanied by those officers who were also members of Parliament, 2 and with 1 Sundry Reasons, p. 8, E. 548, 3. This was said at Kingston ; therefore between Aug. 1 1 and 27. 2 " Nel medesimo tempo che stavano sopra il punto della deliberatione e per decidere il negotio, ecco che la cavalleria di Fairfax marcia verso il luogo dell' Assemblea, e che il Luogotenente Cramver [sic] si presenta sulla porta della Camera in compagnia di molti Colonelli e Capitani, facendo istanza a tutti insieme che tutti gl'ordini fossero annullati, e di piii, che tutti quelli, i quali havevano dato il lor voto per tali ordini, fossero castigati. La piu parte di quelli della camera e particolarmente li Presbi- teriani che havevano travagliato intorno a tali ordini, uscirono bel bello dal Parlamento : alcuni si fuggirono dalla citta ; altri hanno passato il mare, prevedendo qualche vicina tempesta, e quelli i quali continovorono nella radunanza, parte per amore, e parte per pavura votorono in favore dell' Armata, dichiarando tali ordini esser nulli." Newsletter, ^ t ^, Roman Transcripts, R.O. The statement about the cavalry is confirmed by Huntington's story of a review in Hyde Park (Sundry Reasons, p. 8, E. 458, 3). That the retreat of the Presbyterians took place after and not before the vote is shown by the fact that the Presbyterian vote was nearly as large as it had been on the preceding day. The Independent vote was higher by twenty, being no doubt increased by the presence of the military members. Holies (Memoirs, 172) says that there were 1,000 horse drawn up in Hyde Park, ' and guards out of the army besetting the doors and avenues.' 352 MILITARY OCCUPATION OF LONDON. CH. LIII. the aid of their votes the Ordinance was carried. 1 It did not contain any direct provision for the punishment of those He obtains w ^ k ac * ta ^ en> P art m coercing Parliament, but it anOrdi- excepted from indemnity all who had been pre- nance an- , - ^ i -, ^ nulling the sent when force was used, or had been cognisant uide S r glv beforehand of its employment, or had afterwards coercion. ac t e d upon the votes obtained by force, or had shared in the engagement to bring the King into the City. Retreat of ^^ exceptions were somewhat sweeping, and it is, Presby- therefore, no wonder that the passing of the Ordi- nance was followed by the speedy retreat of the pendent most prominent Presbyterians, who by their ab- majonty. sence handed over the House to what was now an Independent majority. Fairfax was able to pride himself on having hindered the purging of the House. Yet, if he had so far gained his end, it was only because Cromwell had accomplished his design by the display of force without actually making use of it. The mastery of the army, thinly veiled, had made itself felt, and one more stage had been passed on the road which was to end in the enslavement of Parliament. 1 The division was taken on a minor point, but the main question was evidently settled by it. C.J. v. 220. 353 CHAPTER LIV. CROMWELL AND THE KING. IT was possible for Cromwell to fling aside his respect for Parliamentary authority, because he still hoped to find in the l647 . King a foundation on which to build up the civil s institutions of the country in an amended form. on th e pes Unfortunately it was not in Charles either to accept King. a compromise or to understand that Cromwell really cared for anything but his own personal advancement. Aug. 12. On August 12, when he moved to Oatlands, he was mtrry^but observed to be ' very merry,' taking especial pleasure unyielding. j n ^g thought that, though he was himself a cap- tive, his son was out of the rebels' reach, 1 and, therefore, it may be presumed, would refuse to be bound by any engage- ments which he might himself make under duress. In such thoughts there was no sign of yielding. 2 In spite of the 1 Letter of Intelligence, Clarendon MSS. 2,573. 2 " Let me inform you that his Majesty never trusted Cromwell, but desired that, through the differences between the Parliament and the army, and between the inferior and superior officers of the army, Cromwell should have been forced to have trusted his Majesty. It is true that Cromwell professed great matters in general, and specified those generals in the pro- posals beyond which he said he could not pass lest he should confirm the jealousies that had been fomented by the Presbyterians and disaffected in the army ; viz. that he had deserted his party totally, and made a pri- vate agreement with the King. That these professions of his were sincere no man that I know did ever affirm ; but it was most certain that if the King had consented to the proposals, he had either made an agreement with the army or discovered their villainy by their not performing what they undertook in case of his consent." Berkeley to Hyde, May 7, 1650, Clar. St, P. ii. 540. VOL. III. A A 354 CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH. LIV. pleadings of his most attached servants l he persisted in re- jecting The Heads of the Proposals. On the side of the army there was still every wish to be con- ciliatory, and during the next week, the week in which differences Modifica- between the Parliament and the soldiers were being brought to an issue, negotiations were opened in t ^ ie kP e ^ at some reasonable compromise might be discovered. Charles, however, at this time stood out on two points. He asked for an amnesty for all his fol- lowers, and that there might be no diminution in the revenues of the bishops and clergy. The army, on the other hand, asked that a part of these revenues might be devoted to the payment of debts incurred in the war. Both King and army were agreed that the general toleration should include such Catholics as would take an oath of allegiance in a modified form. The scheme was approved in principle by an assembly of English Roman Catholic divines, and was then remitted to Rome for the approval of the Pope. 2 Our information on this negotiation is fragmentary, but, as a week later the discussion had passed to other points, Aug. 20-27. it i to b e presumed that the settlement of these t P he g negofiL questions was postponed. 3 By that time Charles was vigorously resisting the removal of the militia from under his authority, and still more the suggestion that peace and war should be subjected to the competency of Parliament. Nor was he more satisfied with a stipulation that the money to be levied for the army should be out of his own control. 4 Still the army leaders did not despair. On August 24 Aug. 24. Charles was removed to Hampton Court, and at h Ham P ton two days ^ ater head-quarters were established at Court. Putney, half-way between Hampton Court and Westminster. 1 Bellievre to Mazarin, Aug. , ^ if, R. O. Transcripts. 2 Newsletter, Aug. fg, Roman Transcripts, R. O. 3 The army cannot have yielded, as we hear of the King's holding out on these points later on. 4 Newsletter, j^* 2 J, Roman Transcripts , R, O, 1647 AN OLD SCHEME REVIVED. 355 Charles was battling as one to whom every position was of importance. With him it was no mere struggle for Aug. 26. personal ends, as he at least believed from the "iTners at bottom of his heart that the democratic innovations Putney. w ith which The Heads of the Proposals absolutely bristled would be disastrous to the well-being of the country. He knew well that those innovations had no hold on the popular mind, and he knew also that the feeling that it was impossible to make an enduring settlement from which he was himself excluded was not confined to Cromwell and the officers. In this conflict of opinion the Scottish commissioners again made their voice heard with effect. They remonstrated interven- strongly on the subject of the insult to Lauderdale, Scottish 16 anc ^ a ^ so on t ^ ie su bJ ect f tne stoppage of his commis- messenger Cheisley by the Governor of Newcastle. 1 sioners. ^ , . . . On the 26th, to give them satisfaction, the House V- of Commons re-introduced the strongly Presbyterian 5 ~ Propositions of Newcastle, 2 which were adopted on revived, ^he 2yth with a few slight amendments. The Aug. 27. rapidity with which the matter was hurried on adopted. strengthens the belief entertained by contemporaries The inde- that the Independents at least were not in earnest, Eot1n nts their object being to convince Charles that if supposing ne persisted in refusing his consent to The Heads them. O f ffo Proposals, a worse thing might befall him. Their motives indeed were so little of a secret, that Ireton sent Charles a message telling him not to be troubled at what was passing at Westminster, as the Independents 'intended it to no other end but to make good some promises of the Parliament which the nation of Scotland expected the performance of, and that it was not expected nor desired his Majesty should either sign or treat of them.' Parliament, said Cromwell to Charles after the vote had passed, ' intended nothing else but to satisfy the Scot.' 3 ' L.J. x. 387. 2 Smith to Leveson, Aug. 31, Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. v. 172. 3 Huntington's Sundry Reasons, p. 8, E. 458, 3. A A 2 356 CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH. LIV. If this was the truth, it may fairly be conjectured that it was not the whole truth. The Independent leaders knew that, The inde- unless they could win Charles over to their side, it would be impossible for them permanently to secure King and Parliamentary support. So strong was the universal ment. craving for peace, that even the victorious army which was at their command could not. enforce order by the sword alone. If Charles did not heartily rally to their cause, they would have to fall back on Parliament. The acceptance by the Commons of the Newcastle Propositions had indeed at first the effect of driving Charles to yield something to the importunity of the army, and though he continued to stand firm on the amnesty for his friends and the preservation of the Church lands, he gave way about the militia, and agreed that Parliament should name the great officers of State. 1 Yet the army leaders can hardly have failed to have had before their eyes the risk which they would run if Charles, having been restored to the throne after accepting their conditions, should declare that he was not bound by promises made under com- pulsion, and should fling them to the wild vengeance of popular indignation. 2 1 Newsletter, Sept. ~, Roman Transcripts > R.O. 2 The correspondent of Rome in England may not be a fair exponent of the general belief of Englishmen, but he no doubt only retailed what he heard when, in the letter just quoted, he says that the army was never nearer its ruin, ' essendo al presente un mese e piii che li Capi dell' Armata con il loro consiglio di guerra non studiano altro, giorno e notte, che a ritrovare i modi per assicurare non solamente il loro stato ma ancora le loro persone, e niente di meno non lo sanno arrivare, perche il popolo universalmente desidera, dimanda, e grida che il Re ritorni in Londra, e nel governo dello Stato, e di fare altrimente no si puo senza esporsi a una solevatione universale contro a quelli, e tale che non sarebbono capaci di resistere lungamente. Ball' altra banda, se rimettano il Re in Londra, e nel suo Parlamento, prevegga che sara in potere di S. M. di far concludere tutto quello che vorra, perche ne 1'Armata, ne il Parlamento non haver- anno di che resistere alia devotione del popolo che ha particolarmente apperto gl' occhi di maniera che [non] resta a gl' Independent! altra strada per assicurarli che di convenire con il Re, e formare tutti le propositioni prima che las[ci]arlo venire a Londra ; ma questo assicuramento li sara inutile primeramente perche il Re non vuol signar niente, se non e unito 1647 A VIOLENT SUB- COMMITTEE. 357 On September 7, after some delay caused by the hesitation of the Scottish commissioners to accept amendments however Sept. 7. slight without authority from their own Committee * Estates, the Parliamentary propositions were laid before the King, Lauderdale himself joining the sented. English commissioners in presenting them. Charles was asked to give his answer within six days. 1 For some time the Independents, having now a slight majority in the House of Commons through the absence of An inde- many of their Presbyterian opponents, had been em- pendent ployed in strengthening their position at Westminster. committee. Qn August 13 the two Houses, finding the proceed- ings of the committee appointed to examine into the violence offered to the Houses 2 hampered by the action of its Presby- terian members, took the unusual course of naming by Ordi- nance a sub-committee to do the work of the committee itself. 3 This Independent sub-committee, if those who suffered from its proceedings are to be trusted, 4 showed itself as arbitrary as political partisans entrusted with magisterial functions usually Giyn and ^o. ^ n tne re P ort f this sub-committee the House Maynard o f Commons expelled and imprisoned Glyn and Sir and im- John Maynard, two of the eleven members who had prisoned. remained to face the storm, and then proceeded to impeach?' impeach seven peers who had continued to sit after sTven f the departure of the Speakers Suffolk, Willoughby peers. Q f p ar h amj Hunsdon, Maynard, Lincoln, Berkeley, and Middlesex on the elastic charge of treason, * for levying war against the King, Parliament, and kingdom.' 5 con li suoi membri del Parlamento : in secondo luogo quando haverebbe segnato di sua propria mano, e il Parlamento appresso havesse passato le propositioni, il Re venendo a Londra e nel suo Parlamento potra giusta- mente dichiarare, e la sua dichiaratione sara ricevuta, che ha signato per forza, essendo nelle loro mani, e non essendo nel suo Parlamento. Di piu ancora, che se il Re per non mancar di parola non facesse una tal dichiara- tione, questo sara in potere d' un altro Parlamento, che non li sara loro favorevole, di cassare tutti questi ordini e aggitare contro li autori di quelli como traditori e perturbatori dello Stato. ' 1 L.J. ix. 428. * See p. 345. 3 C.J. v. 273. 4 Walker's Hist, of Independency, i. 51. 5 C.J. v. 295, 296. 358 CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH. LIV. In all this work of party vengeance Cromwell and Ireton took no immediate part. They were at Putney sending con- Cromweii stant messages to Charles, urging him to refuse his Stances assent to tne Propositions. Charles replied by the to the King. ver y pertinent question, which he conveyed to them through Major Huntington, why, if they disliked the Proposi- tions so much, they had not opposed them in the House of Commons ? l Their reply was that ' they only concurred with the rest of the House that their unreasonableness might the better appear to the kingdom.' Cromwell next begged Huntington to ' assure the King that, if the army remained an army, his Majesty should trust the proposals with what was promised 2 to be the worst of his condition which should be made for him.' 3 Of this, added Cromwell, c striking his hand on his heart,' the King * might rest confident and assured.' Ireton ireton went farther still. The army, he told Huntington, purging ' would purge, and purge, and purge, and never leave the House. p ur gi n g the Houses, till they had made them of such a temper as to do his Majesty's business > and rather than they would fall short of what was promised, he would join with French, Spaniard, Cavalier, or any that would join with him to force them to it.' 4 Neither Cromwell's nor Ireton's phrases may have been re- ported with complete accuracy, but in its general tenour Hun- tinston's narrative is very much what might have Object of * Cromweii been expected. The constitutional scheme of ine Heads of the Proposals was Ireton's own, and Ireton was more ready than Cromwell to use force to carry his views into practice. After all, could Charles have been trusted to 1 There had been no vote taken, so that Cromwell's fault, if fault it was, lay merely in not dividing the House against the Propositions. 2 i.e. the suggestions for legislation appended. See Const. Documents, 239- 3 Ashburnham's statement (Narrative, ii. 96) that Cromwell often repeated ' that if the army continued an army, they would restore the King,' seems to be a reminiscence of this conversation. If so, it is a good example of the tendency of reporters to mislead by dropping qualifi- cations. 4 Huntington's Sundry Reasons, E. 458, 3. 1647 ARGYLE AND THE HAMILTON S. 359 act in harmony with a reformed Parliament, an unconstitu- tional dissolution of a Parliament protected against dissolution by an unconstitutional statute might have been the best, as it certainly was the shortest, path out of the maze in which the nation had lost its way. It is no matter of blame that Charles was as disinclined to listen to The Heads of the Proposals as he was to listen to the Charles's Newcastle Propositions. His fault was that he neither position. g ave a direct negative to them nor formulated a His hopes counter-scheme of his own. He had lately received rom * Scotland. letters from Scotland which led him to believe that, by spinning out the time, he might have the support of the The situa- Scots on his own terms. Argyle's eagerness to send tion in an army into England l had soon abated. On Scotland. J 3 . . August 9 he protested in the Committee of Estates changes against any action which might lead to a rupture with England ; and, a few days later, he told Mon- treuil that Scotland would do wrong to help Charles unless he would accept Presbyterianism and the Covenant. If he could not do this let him send his eldest son to Scotland, and if the Prince, on his arrival, would give satisfaction on religion, he should at once be put at the head of an army of 16,000 men. As Argyle grew cool on the subject of an invasion of Eng- land, the Hamiltons began to take the King's cause up in The earnest. They procured from the Committee of Hamiltons Estates an order for sending Lanark and Loudoun to theSg's England, and, on August 13, sent Robin Leslie in advance to prepare the way for the new commis- sioners. 2 By the instructions carried by Leslie it appeared that the Hamiltons wished all military movements to be post- poned till the following year. 3 By that time there would be a new Parliament, and they doubtless hoped to secure the upper hand in the elections. The Hamiltons, at least, had no wish to push Charles too hard on the score of religion. Lanark wrote 1 See p. 300. 2 Montreuil to Brienne, Aug. i-J, Carte MSS. Ixxxiii. 196 ; Montreuil to Mazarin, Aug. i, Arch, des Aff. Etrangcres> Ivii. fol. 201. 3 Instructions to R. Leslie, Burnet, v. 113. 360 CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH. LIV. to him on the 23rd, excusing the delay on the ground that if help had been sent at once it could only have been given ' at the old rate of satisfaction in religion and the Covenant.' l Even as things were, however, the Hamiltons gained ground, Sept. 4 . an d on September 4 the Committee of Estates ordered Committ f ee he tne ^ r commissioners in London to delay the presenta- of Estates, tion o f the revised Newcastle Propositions till the arrival of Loudoun, and also to press the English Parliament to allow Charles to come to London in order that, after con- firming his message of May 12 that is to say, his promise to grant Presbytery for three years he might proceed to treat upon the remaining Propositions. 2 These last orders arrived too late to be of service, as the Propositions were actually presented on the 7th. Lauderdale, however, had not been inactive on the King's behalf. Batten . offers the Batten had made him an offer to bring the twenty - fl e n to the two ships under his command to declare for the Scots and the English Presbyterians, on condition that he was allowed to revictual his ships elsewhere than in England. Though Batten was aware that the Scottish authorities would object to show their hands by admitting him into one of their harbours, he fancied that, at their request, he might be allowed to seek in France the provisions of which he stood in need. 3 So conscious was Cromwell of the imminence of danger from Scotland that he assured Lauderdale of his readiness to comply with the wishes of the Scots granting all that they could reasonably demand, if only they would abandon their intention of sending an army to the help of the King. 4 1 Lanark to the King, Aug. 23, Burnet, v. 114. 2 Lanark to the King, Sept. 4, ibid. v. 118. 3 Montreuil to Brienne, f^; 2 ?, Carte MSS. Ixxxiii. fol. 2OOb. Mont- reuil derived his information from a letter written by Lauderdale. 4 Lauderdale, writes Montreuil in the despatch cited in the last note, had given information ' que les Independants se veulent accommoder avec les Escossais, qu'il traite avec un des plus considerables de 1'armee d'Angleterre ' this can hardly be anyone but Cromwell ' pour cet effect, qui 1'asseure que pourveu que 1'Escosse s'accorde avec les Independants 1647 CHARLES' DUPLICITY. 361 Charles, as was too often the case, was playing a double game. On the one hand he assured Lauderdale that, if only Charles tne Scots would declare in his favour, they should double have nothing to complain of with respect to his game. dealings with the Independents, though he was ominously silent as to the concessions which he was prepared to make to his deliverers. 1 On the other hand, he His answer to the Pro- sent to Cromwell and Ireton a draft of the answer which he proposed to send to the Houses, to the effect that he preferred The Heads of the Proposals to the New- castle Propositions, and that he therefore wished that Parliament would take the former into consideration and afterwards enter He asks mto a personal treaty with himself with a view to the phonal modification of the articles to which he took objec- treaty. tion. 2 Both Cromwell and Ireton saw in this answer far more than it really conveyed, and they engaged to support the King's demand for a personal treaty. On this the answer, which in reality bound Charles to nothing, was, on September 9, despatched by him to Westminster. 3 It is hardly to be wondered at that the excessive eagerness of Cromwell and Ireton to accept Charles's tinsel promises as pure gold should be received with some suspicion Cromwell and ireton in the army. The soldiers, indeed, were at the time toogreJt in no good humour, as their pay was considerably compliance. in arrear on account o f the difficulty of levying the assessment in the city. Under such circumstances the men were ready to give ear to violent counsels which might dans ce seul point d'abandonner leur Roy, ils demeureront aisement d'accord les uns et les autres de tout le reste. ' This is vague, but I think it means what I have stated in the text. 1 According to the same despatch, Lauderdale wrote, 'que Benfeld,' i.e. Bamfield, ' qui connoit M. Germain, n'avoit pu faire promettre au Roy d'Angleterre qu'il contenteroit les Escossois, mais seulement que s'ils commen9oient a se declarer pour luy, il ne seroit a leur prejudice avec les Independants.' 2 Berkeley's Memoirs, 43 ; The King to the Speaker of the House of Lords, Sept. 9, L.J. ix. 434. 3 Huntington to Fairfax, Sept. 9, Clarke Papers, i. 225. the 362 CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH. LIV. possibly .lead to their entrance into the City, and to the exaction of payment by force. Fairfax, indeed, made Temper of . j .1 r i the soldiers, an imperative demand upon the citizens for the im- Sept. 7 . mediate payment of 50JOOO/., 1 but the citizens had u P on n th e ld treated many imperative demands of a similar nature with silent contempt, and were not likely to give way now. If the soldiers needed a theory wherewith to justify their actions, Lilburne was always ready to supply it. He had for Liibume's some time been teaching that Parliament had no opinion on j e ~ a i existence till it had been purged of the mem- the legality & of Pariia- bers who sat in the absence of the Speakers, and his ment. . disciples repeated his arguments at head-quarters. On September 9 Major White was expelled from the Council of the Army for maintaining that there was ' now no visible authority in the kingdom but Council. t^ power and force of the sword ; ' Cromwell, as might easily be imagined, taking a leading part in the con- demnation of a doctrine so subversive of civil order. 2 On the other hand, the principal officers did everything in their power to obtain satisfaction for the reasonable demands of the Sept. 14. soldiers. On the i4th Fairfax forwarded to West- spoken minster a petition in which the Agitators asked for jfb^tVbe t ^ ie re ^ ease f prisoners condemned by the judges for excused. speaking words against the King. Amongst them was a certain Robert White, who had said that if he met the King at the head of his army ' he would have as soon killed him as any other man.' 3 It was well that at the end of a civil war rash words should not be too readily taken into account, but it was also well that no attempt to obtain a reasonable settlement should be 1 A Perfect Diurnal, E. 518, 31. 2 The Humble Proposals, E. 406, 21 ; The Copy of a Letter . . . by Francis White, E. 413, 17. 3 Perfect Occurrences, E. 518, 33; An Humble Remonstrance, E. 407, 15. This saying has been ascribed to Cromwell on the faith of an anonymous statement, specifying no place or date, preserved by Noble, Mem. of the Prot. House of Cromwell, ii. 271. 1 1647 CROMWELL AND LILBURNE. 363 neglected. Cromwell, in his efforts in this direction, was sup- ported by a majority of the Council of the Army. On the ge t 9th there was a long discussion at Putney on the best A discussion way to establish a firm peace on the basis of the at Putney. T , . . . _ . . King's restoration. In the course of this discus- sion, Cromwell reiterated his assertion that he had no wish ' to cast down the foundation of Presbytery and set up Inde- pendency.' ! Freedom for his own party to worship in their own way was all that he required, not its establishment in power, or a share in the material emoluments of the Church. Cromwell, having girt himself to the difficult task of win- ning Charles, had been sanguine enough to imagine that he Sept. 6. could also win Lilburne to his side. The fall of the and mwdl Presbyterians in Parliament had given Lilburne Liibume. fresh hopes of regaining his liberty, and it was now expected that Marten, who was the chairman of the Committee of the Commons in which the legality of his imprisonment had been discussed, would be allowed to make the report, the obstacles hitherto thrown in his way being now removed. Lilburne had long held Cromwell to be his bitterest enemy, but when the important day approached, he pleaded with him for a personal interview. Cromwell was never vindictive, and on September 6 he visited Lilburne in his cell in the Tower. Here Lilburne discovered that Cromwell feared lest if he were once at liberty he would spend his leisure in stirring up a mutinous spirit in the army, and, with the generosity which often accompanies fanaticism, he at once offered to l eay e England if only a reasonable amount of England. justice were done to him. That, he added, which touched him most nearly was the interest of the public. If only the House of Commons would deny that the Lords pos- sessed original jurisdiction over a commoner, he would waive all claim to compensation for his ill-treatment, at least during the present Parliament. 2 Cromwell spoke kindly to Lilburne, but he had to do with a man singularly incapable of taking a broad view of political 1 Two Declarations, E. 407, I. 2 An Additional Plea, E. 412, n. 364 CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH. LIV. necessities, and when, on September 14, some days after Marten's report had been made, Cromwell supported a motion for directing the committee from which the report Cromwell' proceeded to search for precedents on the jurisdic- mouonfb? a tion of the Lords, he was once more in Lilburne's precedents. e y es tne P er> fidious hypocrite whom no promises could bind. Lilburne now proposed to appeal to Lilburne denounces the common soldiers and the labourers against the iniquity of their superiors. He informed Marten that he would call on * the private soldiers of his Excellency's army ' to see what ' the hobnails and clouted shoes ' would do for his cause. 1 A more practical reasoner might have dis- cerned that it was undesirable in the interests of public policy that the Commons should fulminate violent threats against the House of Lords without, at least, making sure of the ground on which the attack was to be conducted. Cromwell was, no doubt, specially anxious to avert a con- flict between the Houses, as the time was now approaching when the concurrence of all men of good will would Cromwell anxious to be needed if there was to be a settlement at all. avoid a con- _ . . _ _ 7 flict between Charles s announcement of his preference for Ine ' Heads of the Proposals \u,& stirred up the anger of the Parliamentary Presbyterians, 2 and had left them power- less to resist the demand made by the Independents for Delay in delay in considering the King's answer, in order to the King? nave time to ascertain the wishes of the army as answer. we n as t o ma ke up their own minds. For some days negotiations were vigorously carried on between the King's agents on the one side and the leading members of Parliament and the chiefs of the army on the other, An under- . . , standing with the result that the explanations given on the King's behalf were considered entirely satisfactory. 3 Upon this the Council of the Army met at Putney on the 1 Two Letters ^vr^t by . . . John Lilburne, E. 401, 41. C.J. v. 301. 2 Newsletter, Sept. p, Roman Transcripts, R. O. 3 "II Re era contento, e ciascheduno se ne stava sodisfatto della negotiatione. lo sono stato presente a tutta istoria." Newsletter, S 'oct.? Roman Transcripts, R.O. 1647 CROMWELL ASSAILED. 365 1 6th, and resolved that it was expedient to proceed by steps, and that they would begin by asking Parliament to draw up gept i6 Bills to secure the liberties of the subject and the XeSnc5 f P" v ^ e es f Parliament, as also to settle the militia, of the on the understanding that, as soon as these had received the royal assent, they should be followed by others securing the rights of the King. 1 Though Cromwell was still able to carry the Army Council with him, he exposed himself to a fierce attack from Cromwell a vigorous minority which had come to the conclu- R2Ss- edby Slon tnat ft was useless to negotiate further with borough. Charles. In the course of the discussion Rains- borough, by whom this minority was led, so far lost his temper as to tell Cromwell that * one of them must not live.' On the A soldiers' other hand the soldiers, like the officers, were behai? of" Divided into parties, and no less than 4,000 of them the King. subscribed their names to a petition asking for a reconciliation with the King. 2 It was not only at Putney that Cromwell and his sup- porters were attacked. In London the Royalist and Presby- terian newspapers teemed with virulent charges Attacks of . , . , . - - the London against the motives and characters of the men newspapers. ^ Q ^^ doing their best to reconcile the King and Parliament on principles of which they themselves dis- approved. It is not likely that Cromwell was more ready than on other occasions to resent personal insults, but Sept. 20. on trie 2oth Fairfax conveyed the general sense of > h be press tne Council in a letter asking Parliament to put a gagged. s top to the libels. 3 Though an Ordinance intended to carry out Fairfax's wish passed through Parliament, 4 prac- tically the press remained as free as before, and Royalist scribblers continued to call attention to Cromwell's flaming nose, or even to charge him with gross licentiousness of life. 1 The Intentions of the Army, E. 408, 16. a Ford to Hopton, Sept. 20, Clarendon MSS. 2,597. 3 Fairfax to Manchester, Sept. 20, L.J. x. 441. 4 Ibid. x. 457. 3 66 CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH. LIV. On the 2ist the King's reply, expressing a preference for The Heads of the Proposals to the Parliamentary Propositions, and asking for a personal treaty, was at last for- The e Kin g I; s mally brought before the Houses. Both Lords and voted a Commons voted that it was a denial of the Propo- fhePropo- sitions. 1 Whether this vote was to be merely a clearing of the Presbyterian scheme out of the way, or whether it was to be followed by an absolute renunciation of the King's title, depended on the course which would be Se t 22 ta ken on tne following day. On the morning of the The King's 22nd the members crowded into the House before nTem 5 " 01 the arrival of the Speaker, and amidst a buzz of conversation voices were heard asking that the King should be imprisoned in Warwick or Windsor Castle. 2 After the arrival of the Speaker, a proposal was made that the House should go into Committee to consider its relations Divisions with the King. The Independent party at once dependent s P^ t lnto two fractions, the one under its old P artv - leaders still desirous of an understanding with the King ; the other, which may fairly be styled Republican, aiming under the guidance of Marten and Rainsborough at Marten pro- tne abolition of monarchy. Marten now asked that o? n e o S JcU te tne House instead of going into Committee should dresses; vo t e t na t no further addresses should be made to Charles, who, according to one of Marten's followers, was the Achan in Israel and the Jonah in the ship. 3 Against this view of the case Cromwell and Ireton, followed by the old Independent leaders, Vane, St. John, and Fiennes, loudly protested, demanding that the King's request for a per- sonal treaty should be granted. 4 In supporting his argument 1 L.J. x. 440; C.J. v. 311. 2 Newsletter, 8 |J; f , Roman Transcripts, R. 0. 3 W. Langley to J. Langley, Sept. 28, Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. v. 179. 4 Ford to Hopton, Sept. 28, Clarendon MSS. 2,604. Berkeley, too, witnesses strongly as to the vigour with which Cromwell and his friends took up the King's cause. After saying that Charles's answer to the Propositions (see p. 361) had been shown to 'our friends in the army' before it was sent to Westminster, he adds that they, ' seeming infinitely 1 647 VOTE OF NO ADDRESSES REJECTED. 367 in favour of an agreement with the King, Cromwell urged that it was worthy of consideration ' how that there was a party in ljut . s o the army labouring for the King, and that a great posed by one ; how the City was endeavouring to get another Cromwell . and the party in the army ; and that there was a third pendent 6 " party . . . little dreamt of, that were endeavouring to have no other power to rule but the sword.' ' The same motive, the fear of military anarchy, which in the spring had driven him to uphold the authority of Parliament, now drove him in the autumn to uphold the authority of the King. Marten's proposed vote of no addresses was rejected, Cromwell himself acting as teller against it, by eighty-four The voie votes to thirty-four. 2 The majority was evidently addresses composed of SL composite body of Presbyterians and rejected. Independents. Such a majority was not likely to be coherent, and the House, as soon as it had gone into com- Seiections mittee, decided without a division that selections from e the de ma( ^ e fr m tne l ast Parliamentary Propositions Pariiamen- should be sent to the King for his acceptance or positions. refusal. The committee would not hear of Crom- well's idea of a personal treaty. There can be little doubt that if a report of the proceedings of the committee were brought to light, it would show that the combination between the Presbyterians who wished only for a settlement on their own terms, and the Republicans who wished to have a settlement The ' without the King, was so strong that Cromwell "SoiT " thought it imprudent to take a division. Before the selected. en d of the sitting it was agreed that the proposition on the militia should be the first selected. On the 23rd the discussion continued in the absence of satisfied ' with it, ' promised to use their utmost endeavours to procure a personal treaty, and, to my understanding, performed it ; for both Crom- well and Ireton, with Vane and all their friends, seconded with great resolution this desire of his Majesty.' Berkeley's Memoirs, 43. 1 Ford to Hopton, Sept. 28, Clar. St. P. ii. App. xxxix. Cromwell was afterwards accused of saying that his own opinion was the sense of the army, which he disavowed. See Clarke Papers, i. 229-232. - C.J. v. 312 ; Newsletter, ^f, Roman Transcripts, R.O. 3 68 CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH. LIV. Cromwell, who had duties to attend to at head-quarters. Instead of confining its selection to merely political demands as had been suggested by the Army Council a week before, l the House fixed on the propositions relating to the Other ' ' abolition of episcopacy and the sale of bishops' lands in satisfaction of the debts of the army everything, in short, which would be most obnoxious to Only one Charles, and then decided that application should t> e ' once a am made to tne King,' implying that if to be he refused to accept the terms thus offered, his re- made to r the King. fusal was to be final, and that no attempt to negotiate further would be made. Marten, who thought one application too much, succeeded in obtaining twenty-three votes against seventy. It is evident that the Presbyterians voted in the majority, who, it must be supposed, were sufficiently infatuated to imagine that, if only they were firm enough, they would succeed in bringing Charles on his knees. 2 When, therefore, Cromwell returned to Westminster, 3 too late to take part in this debate, he found that all his efforts in Cromwell tne King's behalf had been thrown away. Nor was portedV Charles at all ready to give him that countenance Charles. without which all that he could do would be done in vain. Charles, indeed, had excellent information on all that was passing, Lady Fairfax herself betraying to him the secrets of the Army Council which she doubtless learnt from her com- plaisant husband. 4 What he learnt, however, encouraged him to exaggerate the importance of the divisions amongst his adversaries, and to turn a deaf ear to all offers of compromise, in the vain hope that he would be borne back to power on the crest of the popular wave. Before the end of September a Royalist who had excellent means of acquiring information wrote that the negotiation between the King and the chiefs of 1 See p. 365. 2 CJ. v. 314. 3 Clarke Papers, i. 231, 232. * " La moglie di Farfax Generale appassionata per il Re avvisa di quanto si passa nel Consiglio secreto." Newsletter, ^7^, Roman Tran- scripts, R. 0. 1 647 THE KING RESOLUTE. 369 the army was still kept up. " But it comes to no issue nor any likelyhood of one. The King is very resolute." ! Baffled by the House of Commons and unsupported by Charles, Cromwell's mediatory position was rapidly becoming Attacks on untenable. The split in the Independent party Cromwell. w hich wrecked his scheme in Parliament was not confined to the House of Commons. In the army itself Cromwell was denounced as a mere time-server, bent upon currying favour with Charles in the pursuit of his own private interests. Even the faithful Hugh Peters attacked him and the Sept. 24. officers who supported him as too great courtiers. 2 on r h7s wdl Cromwell could but plead his good intentions, defence. Though it may be for the present," he wrote, on the day after his Parliamentary defeat, " a cloud may lie over our actions to those who are not acquainted with the grounds of them, yet we doubt not but God will clear our integrity and innocence from any other ends we aim at but His glory and the public good." 3 Cromwell, indeed, was not easily rebuffed, and the Royalist negotiators, far more eager for an arrangement than their Cromwell master, were already reporting that Ireton had given and ireton them assurances that the Parliamentary vote would not be accepted at head-quarters as decisive against King. e the continuance of the efforts of the army to achieve a more reasonable settlement. 4 On the 24th, obviously as Repubiica- an appeal to popular opinion, The Heads of the Proposals were republished, together with certain explanations which had been made by the Council Sept 25 f tne Army on the i6th. On the 25th the House The Lord o f Commons, where the majority was still Inde- Mayor and five pendent except when an agreement with the King aldermen . , , . T , , .. _, . impeached, was proposed, impeached the Lord Mayor, Sir John Gayer, and five aldermen as having been concerned 1 Ford to Hopton, Sept. 30, Clarendon MSS. 2,605. Ford was Ire- ton's brother-in-law. 2 Upton to Edwards, Sept. 15, Clarendon MSS. 2,605. 3 Cromwell to Michael Jones, Sept. 24, Carlyle Letter, xlvi. * Newsletter, **], Roman Transcripts, R.O. VOL. III. E B 370 CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH. LIV. in raising forces in the City against the army. 1 On the Sept. 27. 27th the House ordered the preparation of an onnurS lon Ordinance excluding delinquents from all municipal cipaiities. offices, or from voting at municipal elections. 2 On AifiSde^ 8 ' the 28th Alderman Warner, a determined Inde- Lord ent pendent, was chosen Lord Mayor, the approaches to Mayor. t h e Guildhall being guarded at the time of his elec- tion by a stron g bod y of soldiers. 3 The great City . j of London was thus cowed into submission. On elections. October 6 the Ordinance regulating municipal elec- tions was finally issued with the approval of both Houses. 4 The fleet was, through jealousy of the army, almost as Pres- byterian as the City, and, to secure a hold on it, the Houses Oct. s. voted on the 8th that Rainsborough, who had been Commons a sailor before he was a soldier, should command it Rafns- as Vice-Admiral in the place of 'the Presbyterian borough Batten. 5 Possibly those who concurred in the vote Admiral. were partly actuated by a desire to separate from the army one whom they were beginning to regard as a ringleader of sedition. The party amongst the soldiers whom Cromwell had indicated as wishing ' to have no other power to rule but the sword ' 6 was rapidly gaining strength, and that party re- garded Rainsborough as its principal spokesman amongst the Oct. 5 . officers. There was, it was said, a spirit of parity parEy 1 in 0f walking in the army. Many of the soldiers were the army. asking that no Duke, Marquis, or Earl should have more than 2,ooo/. a year, and that the income of other classes should be proportionately restricted. Those in both Houses who had property began to show an unwonted desire to come to terms with the King. 7 This feeling in favour of an accommodation could not but 1 C.J. v. 315. 2 Ibid. v. 317. 3 Newsletter, Oct. i, Roman Transcripts, R. O. 4 L.J. ix. 470. 5 Ibid. ix. 476 ; C.J. v. 328. 6 See p. 367. 7 Letter of Intelligence, Oct. 5 Clarendon MSS. 2,611. 1 647 PROSPECTS OF A SETTLEMENT. 371 strengthen the hands of those members of the Army Council who had been dissatisfied with the attitude of the House of Oct 6 Commons. On October 6 they resolved that a fresh iladere my attem P t should be made to negotiate with Charles on decide conditions more satisfactory to him than those which nego- Parliament was forcing upon him. 1 In order that these conditions might be fully weighed, the Army Council was summoned to meet on the i4th, with a Coimc!T y v ^ ew to a fuN discussion. In the meanwhile, attempts summoned. were ma de to come to a preliminary understanding Good with Berkeley and Ashburnham, who were acting on aTetdl? the King's behalf. Berkeley and Ashburnham were in the highest spirits, not hesitating to express their belief that everything would be settled in a week. The army chiefs, as an evidence of their sincerity, allowed the friends from whom Charles had long been severed to gather round him at Hampton Court, and, on the yth ; the King held A Royalist a council, attended by Richmond, Hertford, Ormond, Dorset, Southampton, and Seymour. No doubt the newly-suggested compromise formed the main subject of discussion. 2 Charles, unfortunately, was not prepared to meet the army leaders half-way. " The secret disposition," wrote one of his The Kin partisans, " is that there is no manner of agreement is not con- between the King and the army ; all this negotia- tion having produced no other effect but to incline some of the chief officers not to consent to his destruction, which I believe they will not, unless they be overswayed ; but cannot observe that they are so truly the King's as that they will pass the Rubicon for him, which if they would do, con- 1 " Dopo tre giorni in qua la risolutione e stata presa per i Capi di ritornare in trattato con il Re, e di proporgli condition! honorabili e piu adequate. A questo fine per risolvere tutte divisioni e controversie che sono fra di loro . . . hanno assegnato un luogo e determinato un giorno, che sara li 24," i.e. , " del corrente, per convenire tutli insieme e stabi- lire concordemente e di commun consenso come deono portarsi verso il Re." Newsletter, Oct. ~, Roman Transcripts, R.O. - Ibid. ; A Perfect Diurnal, E. 518, 43. B B 2 372 CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH. LIV. sidering the inclination of the common soldiers, and generally of the people, they might do what they would ; but they are cold, and there is another faction of desperate fellows as hot as fire." l Cromwell, in short, was expected to aid in a purely Royalist reaction. Marten and his friends had made up their minds that he had already bargained for his reward. He had, it was said, obtained from the King the :romweii. promise o f the Earldom of Essex and the garter. If this were true, said Marten, and he at least had no doubt about its accuracy, he himself would be another Felton. 2 So excited were the Republicans against Cromwell, that he had from time to time to change his quarters through fear of assassination. 3 The feeling amongst the soldiery that led to this exaspera- tion against Cromwell, led also to exasperation against the t King. Cries were raised in the army for the dis- The missal of the Royalist noblemen who had been council admitted to Charles's presence. 4 Charles on his part was willing, for reasons of his own, to part with his new counsellors. He had come to the conclusion that the' army leaders had allowed them to come to him merely be- cause they were frightened at the strength of popular opinion in his favour, and that by sending the noblemen away he would give practical evidence of his refusal to accept any terms from Cromwell and Ireton. On the fith, accordingly, the noblemen returned to London with Charles's full consent, it not by his express orders. 5 1 Letter of Intelligence, Oct. 7, Clarendon MSS. 2,616. 2 Wildman's Truth s Triumph, p. 7, E. 520, 33, Marten is plainly indicated, though his name is not given. The story may be approximately dated by connecting it with Berkeley's statement that Cromwell believed him to have told Lady Carlisle that Cromwell was to be Earl of Essex. Berkeley declared, however, the supposition to have been without founda- tion. This was after the establishment of head-quarters at Putney. That the earldom was offered to Cromwell is likely enough. 8 Berkeley's Memoirs, 44. 4 A Perfect Diurnal, E. 518, 43. 8 " II Re . . . fu avvisato che il tutto non era che una apparenza per 1647 FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATION. 373 The fact was that the approach of the two new Scottish commissioners, Loudoun and Lanark, who joined Lauderdale Arrival of m London on the nth, had inspired the King with fresh hopes, and the army leaders with fresh fears. -phe belief gained ground that they brought with them the menace of a Scottish invasion, and it was evident that, if the army were to march northwards to oppose that invasion, it would be in the highest degree improvident to leave Charles in his present temper in the neighbourhood of a Proposal to c ^ wmcn was filled with his partisans. It had remove therefore been proposed by some of the officers, Charles from -11 Hampton possibly by Cromwell himself, that if the army marched to the borders, the King should be com- pelled to accompany it. To this Charles, who was soon made aware of all that passed amongst the officers, opposed a most strenuous resistance, declaring that nothing but force would induce him to leave his present quarters. Obviously the attempt of Cromwell and Ireton to come to terms with Charles had broken down ; and, as might have been expected, each party to the negotiations threw thenegotia- the blame on the other. Charles held that the army had only offered him terms in order to sow division between himself and his subjects. The officers held that Charles only talked of conciliating them in order to divert their attention from the general attack upon them which he was preparing. 1 When the Army Council met, as quietare il popolo, e ingannare S.M., visto che nel medesimo tempo, per ordine dell' Armata, il Parlamento faceva d' altre proposition! ripugnanti all' ottorita Regia, e medesimamente alia sua liberta ; onde doi giorni appresso, il Re di suo moto proprio licentio questi Signori per disingannare il popolo, e fece sapere nel medesimo tempo e al Parlamento e ai Capi dell' Armata che, se havessino intrapreso d' allontanare la sua Persona da Londra e di trasportarla altrove, come molto bene sapeva essere il loro dissegno, pensassino per questo mezzo d' allontanarlo anche dal cuore, e dall' affettione del popolo, che non lo farebbono che con violen/a e forza contra la sua persona, cosa bastante per cagionare una commutione uni- versale per tutto il regno." Newsletter, Oct. 2, Roman Transcripts, R.O. 1 Newsletter, Oct. ijj, Roman Transcripts, R.O.. 374 CROMWELL AND THE KING. CH. LIV. had been announced, on the i4th, nothing was said about any negotiation with the King. The discussion, on the other Oct. i 4 . hand, turned on the necessity of forcing Charles to th| e Ar n my f accompany the army if it was called on to resist a Council. Scottish invasion. 1 For the present, however, no decision was arrived at, as no measures could be taken till the intentions of the Scots had been more clearly manifested. J Letter of Intelligence, Oct. 14, Clarendon MSS. 2,624. 375 CHAPTER LV. THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. AT the time when the last overtures of the army were rejected by Charles, there were rumours that a difference of opinion l647 had arisen between Cromwell and Ireton, a differ- Rumoured ence w hi c h was said to be caused by Ireton's dis- clinerence J between satisfaction with Cromwell's desertion of the King's Cromwell and ireton. interests. 1 1 hough no more than this is known, the most probable explanation is that Cromwell, though not as yet prepared for a breach with the King, perceived that it would be necessary, if he was to be brought to terms, to put stronger pressure on him than could be put by the Cromwell * seeks a com- army alone. At all events, it is at this time that promise with _, n r j -11 the Presby- Cromwell is found aiming at a compromise with the Parliamentary Presbyterians, a compromise which was embodied in a scheme accepted by the Lords on Octo- ber 13, and brought on for discussion in the Commons on the same day. According to this scheme, Presbyterian government was to be established in the Church for three years the very period for which the King's assent was secured ; 2 whilst, The Lords' with certain exceptions, those who were desirous of scheme for .... , , ... a settlement worshipping m any other way were to be at liberty lon- to do so, provided that they did nothing in dis- turbance of the peace of the kingdom. The exceptions were 1 "There hath been of late some difference between Cromwell and Commissary Ireton ; and I am induced to think it to be the falling off of Cromwell from the King, because that Ireton, like an honest man, stands to make good what he hath promised, and lately, in discontent, offered to quit his command in the army." Letter of Intelligence, Oct. n, Claren- don MSS. 2,622. - See p. 252. 376 THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. CH. LV. those who professed ' the Popish religion,' and those who departed from the Christian religion as set forth in the Apostles' Creed, or held such doctrines as would render them liable, according to the recent Ordinance, to suspension from communion. Further, no one was to be freed from the penalty attached to those who did not attend divine service on the Lord's day unless he could show either a reasonable cause of absence, ' or that he was present to hear the Word of God preached or expounded unto him elsewhere.' l On the morning of the i3th, the day on which the Lords' proposal was to be discussed in the House of Commons, Westminster Hall was filled by a motley crowd of Westminster Roman Catholics, of seekers who professed that they were still in search of a religion, and of rationalists who declared themselves ready to conform to the Presby- dictates of reason only. 2 To these Cromwell had J^STsettied no ne ^P to i ve< Aiming at objects within the scope $ the e nSt ^ P ract i ca l achievement, he contented himself with session. supporting the scheme already adopted by the Lords. Though he acted as teller in a division in favour of the three years' limit for the Presbyterian establishment, he was beaten by 38 to 35 ; and was again beaten by 41 to 33 on an amended proposal to fix the limit to seven years. The House then adopted without a division a resolution that the Presbyterian discipline should remain in force till after the next session of Parliament, whenever that might be. 3 The remaining clauses relating to toleration and its limits were then run through without any further division. Selden, 4 Question of indeed, pleaded hard for the Catholics as believers fbr e the n * n Jesus Christ, and was supported by Marten, who Catholics, boldly asked why Presbyterians were to be tolerated if Catholics were excluded. The commonplace answers 1 The Moderate Intelligencer, E. 410, 25 ; L.J. ix. 482. - Newsletter, ^|-f, Roman Transcripts, R.O. 3 C.J. v. 332. 4 "Seldenus Independente, e tutto interamente Ecclesiastico sine ecclesia." Newsletter, ^, Roman Transcripts, R.O. 1 647 TOLERATION DISCUSSED. 377 were promptly forthcoming. Selden was told that the Seiden and Catholics were idolaters, and Marten was answered m m "But suppose this model were an excellent model and fit for England and the kingdom to receive ; but really I shall speak to nothing but that that, as before the Lord, I am persuaded in my heart tends to uniting agree among of us in one to that that God will manifest in us to ves> be the thing that he would have us prosecute ; and he that meets not here with that heart, and dares not say he will stand to that, I think he is a deceiver." Cromwell ended with a practical suggestion. Let the Council of the Army review those engagements to the neglect of which attention had been called, after which it their engage- would be possible to reply to the complaints of the new Agitators. When the existing engagements of the army, entered upon at Newmarket and Triploe Heath, were fully known, it would be open to anyone who so wished * to tender anything for the good of the public.' This indefinite postponement of the constitutional debate was not to the taste of the Levellers. Wildman, who followed, wiidman's ^ xe( ^ on Cromwell's proposal as merely dilatory, reply. Abandoning the ground taken by the new Agitators, he declared that no man was bound by engagements which he himself considered unjust. As the debate threatened to take 1 The usual notion that Cromwell was accustomed to make unctuous addresses to the soldiers will hardly survive this. 1 647 CROMWELL AND GOFFE. 385 an angry turn, Cromwell proposed the appointment of a com- mittee to take into consideration all questions at issue, and Cromwell more es P eciall 7 the binding force of the engagements proposes a of the army. He hoped, he said, that in this way committee. J God would unite them in one heart and mind. He would rather resign his commission than that the kingdom Goffe asks snou ld break in pieces. Here Colonel Goffe, whose fora prayer mind was steeped in religious enthusiasm, broke in meeting. with the suggestion of a prayer meeting, at which God might be implored to give them the spirit of unity. Cromwell at once assented, on condition that there should be no delay. At his instance it was settled that the prayer meet- ing should be held on the following morning, and that the committee should meet in the afternoon of the same day. 1 Once more Cromwell urged all present not to ' meet as two contrary parties,' but as men desirous of giving satisfaction to Cromwell one another. "I had rather," he declared, "we agaStparty should devolve our strength to you than that the spim. kingdom, for our division, should suffer loss ; for that's in all our hearts to profess, above anything that's worldly, the public good of the people ; and if that be in our hearts truly and nakedly, I am confident it is a principle that will stand. Perhaps God may unite us and carry us both one way." Few of those to whom Cromwell now addressed himself were in a temper to profit by his exhortation. Wildman re- commended haste in coming to a decision on the A discussion . , on natural ground that Parliament might anticipate the army by patching up some arrangement with the King to the detriment of the natural rights of the people ; whereupon he was vehemently attacked by Ireton, whose constitutional opinions were more definite than those of his father-in-law. Property, said Ireton, depended on contract, not on natural right. Wildman's assertion to the contrary contained ' venom and poison.' Captain Audley attempted to draw aside atten- 1 " Cromwell when in difficulties," writes Mr. Firth in his preface to vol. i. of the Clarke Papers, "generally moved for a committee; Goffe invariably proposed a prayer-meeting." VOL. III. C C 3 86 THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. CH. LV. tion from this unseemly charge by supporting Wildman's con- tention that time was precious. " If we tarry long," he said, "the King will come and say who will be hanged first." Neither Ireton nor Wildman were, however, to be recalled to such practical considerations, and a long wrangle followed between them, Cromwell occasionally intervening with a plea for a more conciliatory temper. This painful scene had at least one satisfactory result. It taught Cromwell that it was not enough to criticise the opinions Cromwell ^ ^ Levellers without the enunciation of any po- deciares his litical faith of his own. Though the Council of the Army, he now said, was not ' wedded and glued to forms of government,' it acknowledged 'that the foundation and the supremacy is in the people radically in them and to be set down by them in their representations.' l It is probable that Cromwell failed to realise that by enunciating the doctrine of popular sovereignty he had broken with the King for ever. Cromwell would have had Charles to be king as William III. was afterwards a king. It was a condition to which Charles would never stoop. To do so would be to betray the inalien- able rights of his posterity. On the 29th, 2 when the prayer meeting had come to an Oct 29 end, 3 it was resolved after a long discussion to lay Imnftfthe as ^ 6 tne consideration of the engagements by a Peo/>ie committee, and to examine the Agreement of the produced. ^ , People. The constitutional scheme of the Levellers was probably the shortest ever committed to paper, as it consisted of four its pro- articles only. The first required that the consti- bienniaf 01 " tuencies should be ' more indifferently proportioned Parliaments, according to the number of the inhabitants ; ' by the second, the existing Parliament was to be dissolved on Sep- tember 30, 1648 ; by the third, future Parliaments were to be biennial, sitting every other year from the first Thursday in 1 i.e. by means* of their representatives. 8 This day's debate is in the Clarke Papers, i. 280-363. 3 There is no trace in the report in the Clarke Papers of Cromwell's taking any part in its prayers. 1647 A DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTION. 387 April to the last day of September, and no longer. Thus far the Agreement of the People was drawn on the same lines as The Heads of the Proposals, except so far as the demand made in the first article of the Agreement that representatives might be elected in proportion to the population, differed from the demand made in The Heads of the Proposals that they should be elected in proportion to the rates. The fourth article, widely departing from that model, was an expansion of the doctrine of a ' paramount law ' set forth in The Case of the Army. For Authority of m ost purposes the biennial Parliament consisting tote* 161 " 5 DV implication of a single elected House was to be supreme, supreme. It might make, amend, and repeal laws ; erect and abolish offices and courts ; call officials to account ; conduct negotiations with foreign Powers \ make peace and declare war, or do anything else which was not * expressly or implyedly reserved by the represented to themselves.' These reservations were five in number. It was not to interfere with the most absolute religious liberty ; it was not to press men ' to serve in the wars ; ' it was not to call except m . .... . reserved any man m question for the part taken by him m the late struggle, except in carrying out sentences pro- nounced by the existing Parliament ; it must not exempt anyone ' from the ordinary course of legal proceedings ; ' and finally, ' as the laws ought to be equal, so they must be good, and not evidently destructive to the safety and well-being of the people.' L The Agreement of the People was the first example of that system which now universally prevails in the State Govern- ments of the American Republic. 2 In both coun- The Agree- , . . . mento/the tries the idea of restraining the authority of the People com- . , . , , . . . i pared with legislative body by reserving certain matters to be smtTcon- dealt with by the people themselves, arose from the stitutions. same cause jealousy of the representative body. Yet the difference between the Agreement of the People and an American State constitution is enormous. In America, at the 1 An Agreement of the People, E. 412, 21, is printed in the Appendix to this volume. 2 See Bryce's American Commonwealth, part ii. C C 2 3 88 THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. CH. LV. present day, the intervention of the people is an active, living force. The people make and unmake constitutions with de- cisive rapidity. The Agreement of the People was but the dream of a few visionaries. Its authors prescribed no way in which the people should be asked to adopt it, though they probably intended to circulate it for public subscription ; and they breathed no word of the possibility that the people, even if they once adopted it, might be inclined to change it. Their omission was by no means accidental. It arose from the stern fact, to which they wilfully closed their eyes, that the English people were irreconcilably hostile to them and to their teaching. It was the unreality of the popular support appealed to in the Agreement of the People which gave strength to Cromwell Opposition an d Ireton in their contention with the Levellers. As is often the case, when men are divided on ques- tions of principle, it was on a side issue that the conflict began. A debate When the first article of the Agreement had been hood an " rea d> I reton asked whether the declaration that the suffrage. constituencies were to be 'proportioned according to the number of the inhabitants ' implied that there was to be manhood suffrage, or that the old suffrage instituted ' by that constitution which was before the Conquest, that hath been beyond memory,' was still to be retained. Rainsborough at once declared in favour of manhood suffrage. " I Discussion between think," he said, " that the poorest He that is in Eng- land hath a life to live as well as the greatest He ; eton- and, therefore, truly, sir, I think it clear that every man that is to live under a government ought, first, by his own consent, to put himself under that government." Ireton retorted that this argument relied on ' an absolute natural right,' and denied 'all civil right.' No one, he contended, in words which came to have a familiar sound in the early part of the nineteenth century, ought to have a vote who had ' not a permanent fixed interest in the kingdom.' Those whose duty it was to choose the legislature were * the persons who, taken together, do com- prehend the local interest of this kingdom, that is, the persons in whom all land lies, and those in corporations in whom all 1647 A HOT DEBATE. 389 trading lies.' If this fundamental rule were set aside, property would be set aside as well. In reply, Rainsborough drew attention to the evil results of the existing system. " A gentle- man," he urged, " lives in a country, and hath three or four lordships as some men have God knows how they got them and when a Parliament is called, he must be a Parliament man ; and it may be sees some poor men they live near this man he can crush them." The debate grew hot, and at last Rich came to Ireton's help. Five men out of six, he said, had no permanent interest The debate m the kingdom. If votes were given to the five, grows hot. they WQuld only sell themj ag had been done at Rome, ' and thence it came that he that was the richest man, and of some considerable power among the soldiers, made himself a perpetual dictator ; and if we strain too far to avoid monarchy in kings, [let us take heed] that we do not call for emperors to deliver us from more than one tyrant.' Arguments of this kind were bandied to and fro, till agreement seemed well nigh hopeless. After a while Sexby struck in, carrying the debate outside the region of argument. There were, he said, thousands of soldiers as poor as himself, who had ventured their lives for their ' birthright and privileges as Englishmen.' Why were they to be told that unless they had a fixed estate they had no birthright ? He, for one, would surrender his birthright to no man. " Rather," replied Ireton, " than make a disturbance to a good constitution of a kingdom wherein I may live in godliness, and honesty, and peace, I will part with a great deal of my birthright." After a while, Cromwell thought it time to intervene, ex- pressing dissatisfaction with Sexby's language, * because it did Cromwell savour so much of will.' Why could not the meeting intervenes. avo id abstract considerations, and content itself with discussing the question how far the existing franchise could safely be enlarged? Might not, for instance, copyholders be admitted to vote as well as freeholders ? Sir Hardress Waller was even more practical. Would the burden of the people, he asked, be lightened by papers ? " If the four evangelists were here and lay free quarter on them, they will not believe you." 390 THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. CH. LV. Doubtless Rainsborough perceived, as he glanced around, that his supporters, amongst those present, were but few, and Rains- he therefore asked that the question at issue might proxies a be referred to the whole army at a general rendez- theTrmy 10 vous - The proposal found no support, and the at large. meeting, as far as any evidence before us goes, broke up without coming to a decision. Accordingly, on the morning of the 30th, 1 the committee proposed by Cromwell two days before met to consider the Oct. 3 o. manifestoes put forward by the army in June, as well ?f the" 8 as tne more recent Agreement of the People, and also committee. d. OLD ENGLAND'S STORY. In little Words for little Children. With 29 Illustrations by SIDNEY P. HALL, &c. 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